“机不可失，时不再来”指的是___

是 ___

在客观规律面前，人的主观能动性表现在___

事物的联系和运动之间的关系___

唯物辩证法的总特征是___

___

“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___

唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___

区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___

质量互变规律揭示了___

质和事物的存在是___

在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

保护线的安全系数应不小于___。

回流线一般采用的线材为___。

在停电作业的接触网附近有平行带电的高压电力线路或接触网时，为防止感应电压，除按规定装设接地线外，还应___接地线。

检测的目的是：___。

高速铁路接触网站场侧线接触线断线，可先将线索紧起，保证___行车，送电开通正线。

隧道、桥梁内漏水点距离接触网带电线索小于___处所，下方承力索、供电线、正馈线、加强线等，应在漏水点垂直投影向两侧延伸至少1m采取防护措施。

更换或安装火花间隙须用___摇表检查绝缘电阻。

测量装置要有好的___。

有一实物的某个尺寸为10，绘图是采用的比例为2：1。标注是应标注___。

当列车碰撞异物时，工务、电务、供电部门应利用天窗时间对碰撞异物地点前后___范围内的设备进行重点检查。

接触网护栏内步行巡视时作业人员严禁侵入___限界。

额定电压84kV的电气化铁道用避雷器的持续运行电压为___。

接触网间接带电作业，作业任务完成，清点全部作业人员、机具、材料并撤至___后，由工作领导人宣布结束作业，通知要令人向供电调度员申请消除间接带电作业命令。

FQX-25/100HH型绝缘子的绝缘片直径不大于___。

分相绝缘器应位于受电弓中心，一般情况下偏差不超过___。

在进行耐拉伸(压缩)荷重试验时，对定位器等杆件大变形量零部件，变形量测量采用___。

下列配合最松的配合是___。

集体合同签订后应当报送劳动行政部门；劳动行政部门自收到集体合同文本之日起___内未提出异议的，集体合同即行生效。

隔离开关、负荷开关的机构箱或传动机构须加锁，钥匙应存放于___并由专人保管。

自耦变压器用以降低线路___，提高网压水平及减少通信干扰。

接触网安全巡检装置(2C)周期为___。

高速铁路接触网的检修远离作业是在距接触网带电部分___及其以外的处所进行的作业。

全面检查项目中包括接触线___测量。

夜间作业时，参加作业人员应配置足够的___和通讯设备。

电气化铁道用避雷器的线路放电等级为___。

当所内高压设备发生接地故障时，工作人员不得接近故障点___以内。

___既是本行业人员在职业活动中的行为规范，又是行业对社会所负的道德责任和义务。

电气化铁道接触网无线电辐射干扰的每次测量时间为：___。

铜材质的零件允许最高温度为___。

《高速铁路接触网运行维修规则》规定：隧道内步行巡视周期为___。

动车组(电力机车)一旦发生带电过___，司机应立即报告调度员或车站值班员，严禁隐瞒不报或盲目行车。

圆轴扭转时，截面上的内力是___。

表明弓网___关系的基本参数有载流量，最大允许电流，电磨耗等。

《高速铁路接触网运行维修规则》规定：吊弦线夹在直线处应保持___。

高速铁路接触网检修时，要___卡控要令消令、开工收工、物品清点、行车防护等关键环节。

《普速铁路接触网维修规则》规定：软横跨各吊线完好无松弛，并留有不小于___mm的余量。

变电所二次接线图一般分为___、展开接线图和安装接线图。

生产经营单位的___有依法获得安全生产保障的权利，并应当依法履行安全生产方面的义务。

高铁受电弓动态包络线应符合下列规定：受电弓横向摆动量曲线区段为___mm。

下列关于职业道德的说法中，正确的是___。