相关试题
【单选题】
“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___
A. 形而上学片面的、孤立的观点
B. 辩证法普遍联系的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 诡辩论的观点
【单选题】
唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___
A. 事物数量的增加
B. 事物根本性质的变化
C. 事物的一切运动变化
D. 新事物的产生和旧事物的灭亡
【单选题】
区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___
A. 是不是在新的历史条件下出现的
B. 是不是符合事物发展规律、有强大生命力
C. 是不是具有新形式和新特点
D. 是不是得到绝大多数人的承认
【单选题】
质量互变规律揭示了___
A. 事物发展的动力和源泉
B. 事物发展的状态和过程
C. 事物发展的方向和道路
D. 事物发展的两种趋势
【单选题】
质和事物的存在是___
A. 相互对立的
B. 相互包含的
C. 直接同一的
D. 相互转化的
【单选题】
在实际工作中,要注意掌握分寸,防止“过”或“不及”,其关键在于___
A. 抓住事物的主要矛盾
B. 确定事物的质
C. 认识事物的量
D. 把握事物的度
【单选题】
区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___
A. 事物的变化是否显著
B. 事物的变化是否迅速
C. 事物的某些属性是否发生了变化
D. 事物的变化是否超出度的范围
【单选题】
量变的复杂性是指___
A. 量变的程度发展不同
B. 量变形式的多样性和总的量变过程中有部分质变
C. 质变中有量的扩张
D. 量变有在度的范围内的变化和突破度的范围的变化
【单选题】
量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___
A. 事物内部各部分之间变化的不平衡性
B. 事物整体与某些构成部分之间变化的不平衡性
C. 事物与事物之间变化的不平衡性
D. 事物的本质属性与非本质属性之间变化的不平衡性
【单选题】
量变中的局部性部分质变是___
A. 事物的本质属性与非本质属性之间变化不平衡性的表现
B. 事物的各个部分之间变化不平衡性的表现
C. 事物的内部矛盾和外部条件变化不平衡性的表现
D. 事物的量和质变化不平衡性的表现
【单选题】
揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___
A. 对立统一规律
B. 质量互变规律
C. 否定之否定规律
D. 联系和发展规律
【单选题】
“肯定和否定相互渗透,在一定意义上,肯定就是否定。”这是一种___
A. 相对主义诡辩论的观点
B. 唯物辩证法的观点
C. 主观唯心主义的观点
D. 形而上学的观点
【单选题】
事物的否定方面是指___
A. 事物的积极方面
B. 事物的消极方面
C. 事物中维持其存在的方面
D. 事物中促使其灭亡的方面
【单选题】
作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___
A. 既保留又继承
B. 彻底抛弃
C. 既克服又保留
D. 矛盾的调和
【单选题】
辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___
A. 把旧事物完全抛弃
B. 使旧事物发生量变
C. 是新事物产生、旧事物灭亡
D. 是从外部强加给事物的
【单选题】
否定之否定规律___
A. 在事物完成一个发展周期时才能完整地表现出来
B. 在事物发展过程中任何一点上都可以表现出来
C. 在事物经过量变和质变两种状态后表现出来
D. 在事物发展过程中经过肯定和否定两个阶段表现出来
【单选题】
事物发展的周期性体现了___
A. 事物发展的直线性与曲折性的统一
B. 事物发展是一个不断地回到出发点的运动
C. 事物发展的周而复始的循环性
D. 事物发展的前进性和曲折性的统一
【单选题】
直线论的错误在于只看到___
A. 事物发展的周期性而否认了前进性
B. 事物发展的前进性而否认了曲折性
C. 事物发展的间接性而否认了连续性
D. 事物发展的曲折性而否认了周期性
【单选题】
循环论的错误在于___
A. 只看到事物发展的普遍性,没有看到事物发展过程的特殊性
B. 只看到事物的绝对运动,没有看到事物的相对静止
C. 只看到事物发展道路的曲折性,没有看到事物发展趋势的前进性
D. 只看到新旧事物之间的连续性,没有看到新旧事物之间的间断性
【单选题】
对立统一规律揭示了___
A. 事物发展的动力和源泉
B. 事物发展的状态和过程
C. 事物发展的方向和道路
D. 事物发展的两种趋向
【单选题】
唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___
A. 对立统一规律
B. 质量互变规律
C. 否定之否定规律
D. 联系和发展的规律
【单选题】
辩证法所说的矛盾是指___
A. 人们思维中的前后不一的自相矛盾
B. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的对立统一
C. 对立面之间的相互排斥
D. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的相互依赖
【单选题】
矛盾的基本属性是___
A. 普遍性和特殊性
B. 绝对性和相对性
C. 变动性和稳定性
D. 斗争性和同一性
【单选题】
依据是___
A. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性辩证关系的原理
B. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性辩证关系的原理
C. 事物发展的量变和质变辩证关系的原理
D. 事物发展的内因和外因辩证关系的原理
【单选题】
矛盾问题的精髓是___
A. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性关系的问题
B. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性关系的问题
C. 主要矛盾和次要矛盾关系的问题
D. 矛盾的主要方面和次要方面关系的问题
【单选题】
题的方法都是___
A. 重点论
B. 均衡论
C. 一点论
D. 两点论
【单选题】
“任何个别(无论怎样)都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___
A. 特殊性就是普遍性
B. 特殊性存在于普遍性之中
C. 普遍性是特殊性的总和
D. 特殊性中包含普遍性
【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
推荐试题
【多选题】
没收官僚资本具有双重革命性质,他们是___
A. 民主革命性质
B. 社会主义革命性质
C. 新民主主义性质
D. 旧民主主义性质
【多选题】
我国提出过渡时期总路线,具备的实现可能性有___
A. 我国已经有了相对强大和迅速发展的社会主义国营经济
B. 私营资本主义工商业愈来愈不适应大规模工业化建设的需要,国家在利用和限制资本主义工商业的过程中积累了初步的经验
C. 土地改革完成后,分散、脆弱的农业个体经济难以适应工业化的需求,也难以避免农村的两极分化,农村开始有了实行互助合作的实践
D. 苏联社会主义的发展已经显示出对于资本主义的优越性,对我国有重要的榜样作用
【多选题】
新中国成立时,中国社会经济中的主要经济成分有___
A. 社会主义经济
B. 个体经济
C. 合作社经济
D. 私人资本主义经济
【多选题】
1951年全国粮食产量比1949年增加28%,1952年比1949年增加40%,超过抗战前最高产量的9%,据此可以得出的正确结论是___
A. 土地改革提高了农民的生产积极性
B. 土地改革使农业走上了社会主义道路
C. 土地改革加速了国民经济的恢复
D. 土地改革大大解放了农村生产力
【多选题】
新中国改造资本主义工商业的政策有___
【多选题】
新中国对资本主义工商业的社会主义改造中,属于初级形式的国家资本主义有___
A. 加工订货
B. 统购包销
C. 公私合营
D. 经销代销
【单选题】
新时代大学生素质和本领的强弱,直接影响着民族复兴的进程。大学生应把___作为首要任务,树立梦想从学习开始、事业靠本领成就的观念。
A. 学习
B. 体育锻炼
C. 休息调理
D. 磨练意志
【单选题】
法律为思想道德提供___。
A. 制度保障
B. 道义基础
C. 精神力量
D. 法理基础
【单选题】
时代新人要以___为己任。
A. 国家富强
B. 民族复兴
C. 人民幸福
D. 正义公平
【单选题】
___是我们理解当前所处历史方位的关键词。
A. 新时期
B. 新世纪
C. 新阶段
D. 新时代
【单选题】
___是新时代大学生必须具备的基本素质。
A. 思想道德素质和法治素养
B. 文化素质和身体素质
C. 心理素质和身体素质
D. 科学素质和能力素质
【单选题】
___是一种特殊的价值,是人的生活实践对于社会和个人所具有的作用和意义。
A. 价值观
B. 人生态度
C. 人生目的 B.人生价值
【单选题】
人生目的主要回答___。
A. 人为什么活着
B. 世界本原是什么
C. 人应怎样对待生活
D. 怎样的人生才有意义
【单选题】
人生价值评价的基本尺度是___。
A. 人生活动是否符合社会发展的客观规律
B. 是否促进了历史的进步
C. 对社会和他人所做的贡献
D. 是否实现了自己的愿望
【单选题】
人生态度与人生目的的关系是___。
A. 人生态度与人生目的无关
B. 人生态度受人生目的的决定,又影响人生目的的形成
C. 人生态度决定人生观
D. 人生态度决定人生目的
【单选题】
下列关于社会价值与自我价值的关系理解错误的是___。
A. 社会价值的创造过程与自我价值的实现过程是统一的
B. 人生的自我价值必须与社会价值相结合,并通过社会价值表现出来
C. 不创造社会价值,就无从实现自我价值
D. 实现自我价值是因,创造社会价值是果
【单选题】
在处理个人与社会关系时,愿意多作贡献,少取报酬;在考虑个人利益时,能够先集体后个人,先他人后自己。做到这一点的人,一般具有___。
A. 先公后私的人生目的
B. 自私自利的人生目的
C. 为个人和全家求温饱的人生目的
D. “主观为自己,客观为他人”的人生目的
【单选题】
抵制各种错误人生观影响的有力武器是培养和树立___。
A. 服务人民、奉献社会的人生目的
B. 社会主义荣辱观
C. 共产主义理想信念和道德规范
D. “主观为自己,客观为他人”的人生目的
【单选题】
人们对生活在其中的世界以及人与世界的关系的总体看法和根本观点就是___。
A. 世界观
B. 人生观
C. 价值观
D. 家庭观
【单选题】
人生的自我价值是指___。
A. 人对自然界的利用和改造
B. 人对社会和他人所作的贡献
C. 个体的人生活动对社会、他人所具有价值
D. 个体的人生活动对自己生存和发展所具有的价值
【单选题】
一般来说,一个人对社会的贡献越大,他的___。
A. 社会地位就越高
B. 个人价值就越高
C. 社会价值就越高
D. 自我完善就越高
【单选题】
人的本质属性是___。
A. 自然属性
B. 社会属性
C. 劳动属性
D. 物质属性
【单选题】
___认为金钱可以主宰一切,把追求金钱作为人生至高目的。
A. 拜金主义
B. 享乐主义
C. 极端个人主义
D. 物质主义
【单选题】
___的思想以其科学而高尚的品质,代表了人类社会迄今为止最先进的人生追求。
A. “人生在世、吃喝玩乐”
B. “生当作人杰、死亦为鬼雄”
C. “服务人民、奉献社会”
D. 追名逐利
【单选题】
任何人都从属于一定的社会群体,处于一定的社会关系之中,这些社会关系的总和决定了___。
A. 人生目的
B. 人的本质
C. 人生道路
D. 人生态度
【单选题】
有的人身处逆境而百折不挠,有的人在顺境中却长吁短叹,有的人笑对人生,有的人看破红尘,这些都是___的表现。
A. 人生目的
B. 人生态度
C. 人生理想
D. 人生信念
【单选题】
“人固有一死,或重于泰山,或轻于鸿毛”,说的是___的问题。
A. 人生价值
B. 人生目的
C. 人生理想
D. 人生态度
【单选题】
人生态度主要表明___。
A. 人为什么活着
B. 世界的本原是什么
C. 人应当怎样对待生活
D. 什么样的人生才有意义
【单选题】
马克思中学毕业时即表示要“为人类福利而劳动”,毛泽东青年时期便立志“以天下为己任”,周恩来在南开读书时就决心“为中华崛起而读书”。这充分表现了革命领袖志存高远,在年轻时就___。
A. 确立了崇高的人生目的
B. 形成了享乐主义的人生观
C. 形成了极端个人主义的人生观
D. 形成了利己主义的人生观
【单选题】
衡量一个人的人生价值,最重要的就是看一个人___。
A. 树立什么样的人生目的
B. 对国家、社会和他人所做的贡献
C. 以什么样的人生态度指引人生道路
D. 从社会和他人那里得到的尊重和满足
【单选题】
全国劳动模范徐虎说过:“你不奉献,我不奉献,谁来奉献?你也索取,我也索取,向谁索取?”这句话的意思是,社会需要每个人的奉献,只有有奉献才能有索取。这种观点认为,人生价值的本质在于___。
A. 个人的社会存在
B. 个人需要的最大满足
C. 个人对社会的责任和贡献
D. 社会对个人的尊重和满足
【单选题】
由于成长环境和性格等方面的不同,人们会形成不同的理想信念,即使同一个人,也会形成关于社会生活不同方面的许多理想信念。这说明,理想信念具有___。
A. 片面性
B. 政治性
C. 多样性
D. 共同性
【单选题】
理想作为一种社会意识形态,不是从天而降,而是___。
A. 社会存在的反映,是从社会实践中产生的
B. 人们头脑中构造出来的
C. 能为社会大多数人谋利益的构想
D. 人们纯粹主观的构想
【单选题】
习近平阐述在“中国梦”时指出,“中国梦”归根到底是___的梦。
A. 工人
B. 知识分子
C. 人民
D. 农民
【单选题】
2012年11月29日,中共中央总书记习近平带领新一届中央领导集体参观中国国家博物馆“复兴之路”展览现场。习近平定义“中国梦”——___就是中华民族近代以来最伟大的梦想。
A. 建立共产主义社会
B. 诚实劳动争取美好生活
C. 建立人民当家作主的国家政权
D. 实现中华民族伟大复兴
【单选题】
“失去信念的理想是虚幻的,失去理想的信念是空泛的。”这句话说明,在确立理想信念时,应该___。
A. 超越人的生活体验和实际行动
B. 把崇高的理想与坚定的信念结合起来
C. 学会对不同的理想信念进行辨别和选择
D. 把个人的理想信念与社会的理想信念结合起来
【单选题】
“千里之行,始于足下。”理想的实现,需要每个人从我做起,从现在做起,从平凡做起。这是因为 ___。
A. 理想是人们为之奋斗的目标
B. 社会实践是产生科学知识的源泉
C. 把理想变为现实,要靠努力奋斗,在实践中才能达到
D. 有了坚定的信念,理想就会自然得到实现
【单选题】
理想区别于幻想、空想的特点是___。
A. 理想是个人对幻想、空想的改进
B. 理想源于实践具有实现可能,是对未来的向往和追求
C. 理想是永恒的,幻想和空想可以随时间的变化而变化
D. 知识渊博的人具有崇高的理想,而空想幻想则源于无知
【单选题】
马克思主义最崇高的社会理想是___。
A. 实现共产主义
B. 建设社会主义
C. 发展民主主义
D. 摆脱贫穷落后
【单选题】
当教师,要当一个模范教师;当科学家,要当一个对国家有突出贡献的科学家;当解放军战士,要当一个最英勇的解放军战士;当工人,要当一个新时代的劳动模范;当农民,要当一个对改变农村面貌有贡献的农民。这些都是人生理想中___。
A. 生活理想的表现
B. 社会理想的表现
C. 道德理想的表现
D. 职业理想的表现