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【单选题】
依据是___
A. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性辩证关系的原理
B. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性辩证关系的原理
C. 事物发展的量变和质变辩证关系的原理
D. 事物发展的内因和外因辩证关系的原理
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答案
D
解析
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相关试题
【单选题】
矛盾问题的精髓是___
A. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性关系的问题
B. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性关系的问题
C. 主要矛盾和次要矛盾关系的问题
D. 矛盾的主要方面和次要方面关系的问题
【单选题】
题的方法都是___
A. 重点论
B. 均衡论
C. 一点论
D. 两点论
【单选题】
“任何个别(无论怎样)都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___
A. 特殊性就是普遍性
B. 特殊性存在于普遍性之中
C. 普遍性是特殊性的总和
D. 特殊性中包含普遍性
【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
【单选题】
现代人才素质的灵魂是___。
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基础.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。
A. “多极化”
B. 单边主义
C. 两极格局形成
D. 一超独霸
【单选题】
在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可,统一存在的,其中处于主导地位的是___。
A. 德育
B. 智育
C. 体育
D. 美育
【单选题】
时代精神的内涵十分丰富,其中___居于核心地位。
A. 艰苦奋斗
B. 自强不息
C. 团结统一
D. 改革创新
【单选题】
民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。
A. 爱国主义
B. 人道主义
C. 科学主义
D. 革命英雄主义
【单选题】
下列名言反映中华民族是一个艰苦奋斗的民族的有___。
A. 艰难困苦,玉汝于成
B. 先天下之忧而忧
C. 生于忧患,死于安乐
D. 民无信不立
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基本内容
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
10。___是我们立党立国的根本指导思想
A. 马克思主义
B. 社会主义荣辱观
C. 社会主义思想道德
D. 爱国主义11. 当代大学生的历史使命是(A)
【单选题】
衡量大学生全面发展的一个重要标准是___
A. 知识渊博
B. 品质高尚
C. 德才兼备
D. 知行统一
【单选题】
独立生活意识指___
A. 自己的事情自己处理不需要别人管
B. 自己想干什么就干什么
C. 树立自信、自律、自立、自强的精神
D. 天马行空独来独往
【单选题】
___作为社会主义核心价值体系的精髓,解决的是应当具备什么样的精神状态和精神风貌的问题。
A. 马克思主义的指导地位
B. 中国特色社会主义的共同理想
C. 民族精神和时代精神
D. 社会主义荣辱观
【单选题】
___是人才素质的综合体现.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
人们对生活在其中的世界及人与世界的关系的总的看法和根本观点就是___
A. 世界观
B. 人生观
C. 价值观
D. 历史观
【单选题】
人生观的核心是___
A. 人生意义
B. 人生目的
C. 人生态度
D. 人生价值
【单选题】
人的本质属性是___
A. 自然属性
B. 自私自利
C. 社会属性
D. 趋利避害
【单选题】
社会主义社会人生价值标准是___
A. 是否拥有金钱财富
B. 自我价值实现的程度
C. 宗教信仰是否虔诚
D. 是否为人民群众尽心尽力服务
【单选题】
回答人为什么活着___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
表明人应当怎样对待生活___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
判别什么样的人生才有意义___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 价值取向
【单选题】
下列人生态度中正确的是___
A. 认真务实
B. 看破红尘
C. 悲观消沉
D. 满足于现状
【单选题】
下列属于正确的人生目的的是___
A. 追求享乐
B. 为人民服务
C. 追求金钱
D. 追求个人利益
【单选题】
___认为,金钱可以主宰一切.
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___ 认为,社会和他人是达到个人目的的手段。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___认为,人生的全部内容就在于满足感官的需求与快乐。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
马克思对于人的本质的论断确立与___
A. 《关于费尔巴哈的提纲》
B. 《共产党宣言》
C. 《劳动在才从猿到人转变过程中的作用》D《论黑格尔哲学》
推荐试题
【多选题】
中国人民银行及其分支机构对金融机构反洗钱工作进行年度考核评级时,对每家金融机构监管档案中加减分事项按照指标权重计算分数,进行百分换算,得出每家机构的年度考核结果;分( )类排列名次,确定金融机构考评等级。 ___
A. 银行
B. 证券
C. 保险
D. 其他
【单选题】
以下不是爱岗敬业的具体要求的是___。
A. 树立职业理想
B. 强化职业责任
C. 提高职业技能
D. 抓住择业机
【单选题】
人们在职业活动中选择道德行为的直接推动力量是___,它一旦形成,就会积极地影响和调节人们的道德行为。
A. 职业道德情感
B. 职业道德认识
C. 职业道德意志
D. 职业道德修养
【单选题】
下列关于职业道德的说法中,正确的是___。
A. 职业道德与人格无关
B. 职业道德的养成只能靠教化
C. 职业道德的提高与个人的利益无关
D. 职业道德从一个侧面反映人的整体道德素质
【单选题】
5关于诚实守信的说法,你认为错误的是___。
A. 诚实守信是市场经济法则
B. 诚实守信是企业的无形资产
C. 诚实守信是为人之本
D. 奉行诚实守信的原则在市场经济中必定难以立足
【单选题】
通过企业制度的严格执行衍生而成,制度上的强制或激励最终促使群体产生某一行为自觉,这一群体的行为自觉便组成了___。
A. 标志标识
B. 企业文化
C. 规章制度
D. 企业愿景
【单选题】
7地铁运营公司的工作职能中,最重要的两个方面是___。
A. 安全、服务
B. 高效、快捷
C. 利益、名誉
D. 创新、形象
【单选题】
8在职业活动中,主张个人利益高于他人利益、集体利益和国家利益的思想属于___
A. 极端个人主义
B. 自由主义
C. 享乐主义
D. 拜金主义
【单选题】
9《公民道德建设实施纲要》指出,要大力倡导以___、诚实守信、办事公道、服务群众、奉献社会为主要内容的职业道德,鼓励人们在工作中做一个好建设者。
A. 求真务实
B. 爱岗敬业
C. 艰苦奋斗
D. 以人为本
【单选题】
10古人所谓的“鞠躬尽瘁,死而后已”,就是要求从业者在职业活动中做到___。
A. 忠诚
B. 审慎
C. 民主
D. 勤勉
【单选题】
11下列选项中,___既是一种职业精神,又是职业活动的灵魂,还是从业人员的安身立命之本。
A. 敬业
B. 节俭
C. 自省
D. 尊重
【单选题】
12下列选项中___是从业人员的职业道德的内在要求。
A. 依法行事
B. 敬业奉献
C. 严守秘密
D. 服务社会
【单选题】
13在职业活动中,需要遵循社会道德,其职业道德规范主要体现在树立三个意识,其内容不包括___。
A. 安全意识
B. 守法意识
C. 守规意识
D. 服务意识
【单选题】
城市轨道交通的一大缺点是___。
A. 载客量小
B. 车速慢
C. 不舒适
D. 噪声
【单选题】
城市轨道交通存在一定的局限性,如建设周期长及___。
A. 建设难度小
B. 技术含量低
C. 建设费用高
D. 以上均是
【单选题】
16事故是一系列因素互为因果,连续发生的结果,这种情况属于事故的___特征。
A. 偶然性
B. 因果性
C. 再现性
D. 以上均不是
【单选题】
17安全生产“五要素”是既相对独立,又相辅相成的有机统一体。“五要素”包括安全法制、安全责任、安全科技、安全投入和___。
A. 安全文化
B. 安全教育
C. 安全管理
D. 安全评价
【单选题】
18不列入“三不伤害原则”的是:___。
A. 他人不伤害他人
B. 他人不伤害自己
C. 自己不伤害自己
D. 自己不伤害他人
【单选题】
19安全是相对的,当风险低于某种程度时,则认为是安全的。这一观点的理论依据是___理论。
A. 因果联锁
B. 系统安全
C. 扰动起源
D. 能量意外释放
【单选题】
20运营中发生突发情况时,人能立即采取相应的措施,排除不安全因素,这属于人的___。
A. 主导性
B. 创造性
C. 主观能动性
D. 以上均不是
【单选题】
21运营人员需具备较好的职业道德、劳动纪律,这属于人的___素质。
A. 思想
B. 技术业务
C. 生理
D. 群体
【单选题】
22影响地铁安全运营的内部环境通常是指___环境。
A. 自然
B. 社会
C. 作业
D. 以上均不是
【单选题】
23安全生产的方针是___。
A. 安全是命、服务为本
B. 安全、便捷、快速
C. 安全第一、预防为主、综合治理
D. 平平安安上班、高高兴兴回家
【单选题】
24我国安全生产方针中的综合治理强调的是___。
A. 抓住重点,遏制重特大事故
B. 强化责任,落实企业自主管理
C. 重在执法,完善法规标准建设
D. 标本兼治,重在治本
【单选题】
25以下属于安全法规的规范作用的是___。
A. 指引作用
B. 评价作用
C. 强制作用
D. 以上均是
【单选题】
下列不属于安全管理主要措施的是___。
A. 加强车站的现场安全检查
B. 调查乘客需求、提高满意度
C. 及时整改车站的各类不安全隐患
D. 开展安全工作的宣传教育和职业技能培训
【单选题】
27《地铁设计规范》国标中规定:1米宽楼梯下行方向每小时通过___人次。
A. 4000
B. 4100
C. 4200
D. 4300
【单选题】
28《地铁设计规范》国标中规定:1米宽通道双向混行每小时通过___人次。
A. 3000
B. 4000
C. 5000
D. 6000
【单选题】
29地铁线路直线地段标准轨距是___。
A. 1345 mm
B. 1435 mm
C. 1456 mm
D. 1543 mm
【单选题】
30设于___的信号机显示为常红灯。
A. 道岔前方
B. 车站发车方向
C. 库线出库方向
D. 线路尽头位置
【单选题】
31___是主要为车站提供换风的设施。
A. 风阀
B. 风机
C. 冷却塔
D. 风亭
【单选题】
32地铁线路的设计原则,一般在城市中心地区适合采用___。
A. 地下线
B. 高架线
C. 半地下线
D. 跨式线路
【单选题】
下列设备不属于特种设备的是___。
A. 自动扶梯
B. 卷闸门
C. 垂直电梯
D. 压力容器
【单选题】
隧道通风系统用于列车正常运营时应有效排除隧道内的余热余湿,确保隧道内温度最热月日最高平均温度不大于___。
A. 30℃
B. 40℃
C. 50℃ 60℃
【单选题】
35下列不属于车站运营前安全检查项目的是___。
A. 站台门状态
B. 接触网状态
C. 站线状态
D. 导向设备状态
【单选题】
36任何单位和___都有参加有组织的灭火工作的义务。
A. 义务消防队员
B. 个人
C. 成年公民
D. 未成年人
【单选题】
一般情况下,设备状态表示灯在设备正常情况下显示为___。
A. 红色
B. 黑色
C. 绿色
D. 灰色
【单选题】
38地铁车站间线路的长度应根据现状及规划的城市道路布局和客流实际需要确定,一般在城市中心区和居民稠密地区为___km左右。
A. 1
B. 1.5
C. 2
D. 2.5
【单选题】
39用梯子进行登高作业时,梯脚必须做到___措施。
A. 防水
B. 防火
C. 防滑
D. 防风
【单选题】
《地铁设计规范》中规定:1米宽楼梯上行方向每小时通过___人次。
A. 3500
B. 3600
C. 3700
D. 3800
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