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【单选题】
依据是___
A. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性辩证关系的原理
B. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性辩证关系的原理
C. 事物发展的量变和质变辩证关系的原理
D. 事物发展的内因和外因辩证关系的原理
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答案
D
解析
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相关试题
【单选题】
矛盾问题的精髓是___
A. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性关系的问题
B. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性关系的问题
C. 主要矛盾和次要矛盾关系的问题
D. 矛盾的主要方面和次要方面关系的问题
【单选题】
题的方法都是___
A. 重点论
B. 均衡论
C. 一点论
D. 两点论
【单选题】
“任何个别(无论怎样)都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___
A. 特殊性就是普遍性
B. 特殊性存在于普遍性之中
C. 普遍性是特殊性的总和
D. 特殊性中包含普遍性
【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
【单选题】
现代人才素质的灵魂是___。
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基础.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。
A. “多极化”
B. 单边主义
C. 两极格局形成
D. 一超独霸
【单选题】
在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可,统一存在的,其中处于主导地位的是___。
A. 德育
B. 智育
C. 体育
D. 美育
【单选题】
时代精神的内涵十分丰富,其中___居于核心地位。
A. 艰苦奋斗
B. 自强不息
C. 团结统一
D. 改革创新
【单选题】
民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。
A. 爱国主义
B. 人道主义
C. 科学主义
D. 革命英雄主义
【单选题】
下列名言反映中华民族是一个艰苦奋斗的民族的有___。
A. 艰难困苦,玉汝于成
B. 先天下之忧而忧
C. 生于忧患,死于安乐
D. 民无信不立
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基本内容
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
10。___是我们立党立国的根本指导思想
A. 马克思主义
B. 社会主义荣辱观
C. 社会主义思想道德
D. 爱国主义11. 当代大学生的历史使命是(A)
【单选题】
衡量大学生全面发展的一个重要标准是___
A. 知识渊博
B. 品质高尚
C. 德才兼备
D. 知行统一
【单选题】
独立生活意识指___
A. 自己的事情自己处理不需要别人管
B. 自己想干什么就干什么
C. 树立自信、自律、自立、自强的精神
D. 天马行空独来独往
【单选题】
___作为社会主义核心价值体系的精髓,解决的是应当具备什么样的精神状态和精神风貌的问题。
A. 马克思主义的指导地位
B. 中国特色社会主义的共同理想
C. 民族精神和时代精神
D. 社会主义荣辱观
【单选题】
___是人才素质的综合体现.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
人们对生活在其中的世界及人与世界的关系的总的看法和根本观点就是___
A. 世界观
B. 人生观
C. 价值观
D. 历史观
【单选题】
人生观的核心是___
A. 人生意义
B. 人生目的
C. 人生态度
D. 人生价值
【单选题】
人的本质属性是___
A. 自然属性
B. 自私自利
C. 社会属性
D. 趋利避害
【单选题】
社会主义社会人生价值标准是___
A. 是否拥有金钱财富
B. 自我价值实现的程度
C. 宗教信仰是否虔诚
D. 是否为人民群众尽心尽力服务
【单选题】
回答人为什么活着___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
表明人应当怎样对待生活___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
判别什么样的人生才有意义___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 价值取向
【单选题】
下列人生态度中正确的是___
A. 认真务实
B. 看破红尘
C. 悲观消沉
D. 满足于现状
【单选题】
下列属于正确的人生目的的是___
A. 追求享乐
B. 为人民服务
C. 追求金钱
D. 追求个人利益
【单选题】
___认为,金钱可以主宰一切.
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___ 认为,社会和他人是达到个人目的的手段。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___认为,人生的全部内容就在于满足感官的需求与快乐。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
马克思对于人的本质的论断确立与___
A. 《关于费尔巴哈的提纲》
B. 《共产党宣言》
C. 《劳动在才从猿到人转变过程中的作用》D《论黑格尔哲学》
推荐试题
【单选题】
某法院审理张某贪污案,被告人张某在开庭前突发心脏病死亡。法院该如何处理?
A. 裁定撤销案件
B. 宣告被告人张某无罪
C. 裁定终止审理
D. 退回起诉的人民检察院处理
【单选题】
检察院以涉嫌诈骗罪对甲提起公诉。经法院审理,法院认定,甲的行为属于刑法规定的“将代为保管的他人财物非法占为己有并拒不返还”的侵占行为。对于本案,检察院拒不撤回起诉时,法院的哪种处理方法是正确的?
A. 裁定驳回起诉
B. 裁定终止审理
C. 径行做出无罪判决
D. 以侵占罪做出有罪判决
【单选题】
1996年11月,某市发生一起故意杀人案。2017年3月,当地公安机关根据案发时现场物证中提取的DNA抓获犯罪嫌疑人陆某。2017年7月,最高检察院对陆某涉嫌故意杀人案核准追诉。在最高检察院核准前,关于本案的处理,下列哪一选项是正确的?
A. 不得侦查本案
B. 可对陆某先行拘留
C. 不得对陆某批准逮捕
D. 可对陆某提起公诉
【单选题】
以法官集审判、起诉和侦查于一身为特色的诉讼形式是()。
A. 职权主义
B. 弹劾式
C. 纠问式
D. 混合辩论式
【单选题】
资本主义社会目前普遍采用的刑事诉讼模式是()。
A. 职权主义
B. 弹劾式
C. 纠问式
D. 混合辩论式
【单选题】
在刑事诉讼中,法官消极中立,通过当事人举证、辩论发现事实真相,并由当事人推动诉讼进程。这种诉讼构造属于下列哪一种类型?()
A. 职权主义
B. 当事人主义
C. 纠问主义
D. 混合主义
【单选题】
关于刑事诉讼构造,下列哪一选项是正确的?
A. 刑事诉讼价值观决定了刑事诉讼构造
B. 混合式构造是当事人主义吸收职权主义的因素形成的
C. 职权主义诉讼构造适合于实体真实的诉讼目的
D. 当事人主义诉讼构造与控制犯罪是矛盾的
【单选题】
人民检察院组织系统内部上、下级之间是()。
A. 监督与被监督的关系
B. 领导与被领导的关系
C. 指导与被指导的关系
D. 协作关系
【单选题】
人民检察院是代表国家行使()的机关。
A. 对犯罪的追诉权
B. 侦查权
C. 检察权
D. 审判权
【单选题】
()是地方各级人民法院体系中最高一级法院。
A. 最高人民法院
B. 高级人民法院
C. 中级人民法院
D. 基层人民法院
【单选题】
刑事诉讼程序意义上的被害人()。
A. 是所有遭受犯罪行为直接侵害的人
B. 可以使自诉人
C. 仅仅指公诉案件的被害人
D. 可以指附带民事诉讼的原告
【单选题】
我国刑事诉讼中的被告人()。
A. 只能是人民检察院提起公诉的人
B. 是指在刑事诉讼过程中,被侦查机关、检察机关、审判机关追究刑事责任的人
C. 不能是已死亡的人
D. 不能提起反诉
【单选题】
下列人员中,具有不可替代的特点的诉讼参与人是()。
A. 证人
B. 诉讼代理人
C. 鉴定人
D. 翻译人员
【单选题】
下列所述的各项诉讼权利中,所有的当事人都享有的权利是()。
A. 提起上诉权
B. 提起反诉权
C. 申请回避权
D. 撤诉权
【单选题】
罗某作为人民陪审员参与D市中级法院的案件审理工作。关于罗某的下列哪一说法是正确的?
A. 担任人民陪审员,必须经D市人大常委会任命
B. 同法官享有同等权利,也能担任合议庭审判长
C. 可参与中级法院二审案件审理,并对事实认定、法律适用独立行使表决权
D. 可要求合议庭将案件提请院长决定是否提交审委会讨论决定
【单选题】
刑事诉讼法的独立价值之一是具有影响刑事实体法实现的功能。下列哪一选项没有体现这一功能?
A. 被告人与被害人达成刑事和解而被法院量刑时从轻处理
B. 因排除犯罪嫌疑人的口供,检察院做出证据不足不起诉的决定
C. 侦查机关对于已超追诉期限的案件不予立案
D. 只有被告人乙方上诉的案件,二审法院判决时不得对被告人判处重于原判的刑罚
【单选题】
关于刑事诉讼价值的表述,下列哪一选项是错误的?
A. 通过惩罚犯罪维护社会秩序
B. 追究犯罪的活动必须是有序的
C. 刑事司法权的行使,必须收到刑事程序的规范
D. 效率越高,越有利于秩序的实现
【单选题】
关于“宪法是静态的刑事诉讼法、刑事诉讼法是动态的宪法”,下列哪一选项是错误的?
A. 有关刑事诉讼的程序性条款,构成各国宪法中关于人权保障条款的核心
B. 刑事诉讼法关于强制措施的适用权限、条件、程序与辩护等规定,都直接体现了宪法关于公民人身、住宅、财产不受非法逮捕、搜查、和扣押以及被告人有权获得辩护等规定的精神
C. 刑事诉讼法规范和限制了国家权力,保障了公民享有宪法规定的基本人权和自由
D. 宪法关于人权保障的条款,都要通过刑事诉讼法保证刑法的实施来实现
【单选题】
刑事诉讼法的独立价值之一是具有影响刑事实体法实现的功能。下列哪一选项没有体现这一功能?
A. 被告人与被害人达成刑事和解而被法院量刑时从轻处理
B. 因排除犯罪嫌疑人的口供,检察院做出证据不足不起诉的决定
C. 侦查机关对于已超过追诉期限的案件不予立案
D. 只有被告人一方上诉的案件,二审法院判决时不得对被告人判处重于原判的刑罚。
【单选题】
诉讼理论通说认为,狭义的刑事诉讼基本职能不包括()。
A. 侦查职能
B. 控诉职能
C. 辩护职能
D. 审判职能
【单选题】
关于人民检察院的性质判断错误的是()。
A. 专门行使检察权的司法机关
B. 专门行使侦查权的机关
C. 专门的法律监督机关
D. 专门的国家公诉机关
【单选题】
关于公安机关的性质和只能判断错误的是()。
A. 行政机关
B. 侦查机关
C. 刑事诉讼法律关系的主要主体
D. 垄断行使侦查权
【单选题】
下列人员中,不属于当事人的是()。
A. 犯罪嫌疑人
B. 自诉人
C. 公诉人
D. 被害人
【单选题】
直接遭受犯罪行为侵害的人,在刑事诉讼中不包括()。
A. 自诉案件的自诉人
B. 附带民事诉讼的原告
C. 被害人
D. 公诉案件的证人
【单选题】
犯罪嫌疑人享有的诉讼权利不包括()。
A. 申请回避权
B. 聘请律师权
C. 进行无罪辩解的权利
D. 沉默权
【多选题】
刑事诉讼、民事诉讼、行政诉讼的共同点有()。
A. 有可以引起诉讼的某种实施存在
B. 有当事人,一般也会有其他诉讼参与人参加诉讼
C. 由国家司法机关主持并对案件作出处理
D. 依法进行
【多选题】
刑事诉讼同民事诉讼、行政诉讼最主要、最明显的差别是()。
A. 解决的实体问题不同
B. 依据是实体法不同
C. 采取的方式、方法不同
D. 采用的程序不同
【多选题】
广义的刑事诉讼法包括()。
A. 最高人民法院、最高人民检察院、公安部、国家安全部、司法部、全国人大常委会法制工作委员会《关于实施刑事诉讼法若干问题的决定》
B. 最高人民法院就刑事审判中涉及的刑事诉讼问题做的批复
C. 宪法中关于刑事诉讼法的规定
D. 《公安机关办理刑事案件程序规定》
【多选题】
对刑事诉讼法的性质,应当理解为()。
A. 关于刑事诉讼的法律
B. 关于解决争讼过程中的各方权利义务的法律
C. 关于诉讼过程的法律
D. 帮助实现刑法的法律
【多选题】
纠问式诉讼的特点是()。
A. 不告不理
B. 秘密进行
C. 刑讯逼供
D. 主动追究
【多选题】
混合辩论式诉讼包含了()诉讼形式的特点。
A. 弹劾式
B. 纠问式
C. 职权主义
D. 当事人主义
【多选题】
古罗马的诉讼类型有()。
A. 私诉
B. 自诉
C. 公诉
D. 官诉
【多选题】
下列人员中,不仅仅是自然人,还可以是单位的是()。
A. 证人
B. 鉴定人
C. 被告人
D. 附带民事诉讼的原告
【多选题】
在我国的刑事诉讼中,有权提起附带民事诉讼的诉讼参与人是()。
A. 被害人
B. 诉讼代理人
C. 自诉人
D. 人民检察院
【多选题】
下列哪些人是承担控诉职能的诉讼参与人?
A. 公诉人
B. 自诉人
C. 被害人
D. 控方证人
【判断题】
大陆法系主要是实行当事人主义诉讼模式。
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
纠问式诉讼中司法与行政往往是合一的。
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
混合辩论式诉讼在审判阶段基本上体现了纠问式诉讼的特点。
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
纠问式诉讼中被告人只是诉讼的客体。
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
甲曾因盗窃收到刑事处罚,不得担任人民陪审员。
A. 对
B. 错
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