相关试题
【单选题】
题的方法都是___
A. 重点论
B. 均衡论
C. 一点论
D. 两点论
【单选题】
“任何个别(无论怎样)都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___
A. 特殊性就是普遍性
B. 特殊性存在于普遍性之中
C. 普遍性是特殊性的总和
D. 特殊性中包含普遍性
【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
【单选题】
世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。
A. “多极化”
B. 单边主义
C. 两极格局形成
D. 一超独霸
【单选题】
在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可,统一存在的,其中处于主导地位的是___。
【单选题】
时代精神的内涵十分丰富,其中___居于核心地位。
A. 艰苦奋斗
B. 自强不息
C. 团结统一
D. 改革创新
【单选题】
民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。
A. 爱国主义
B. 人道主义
C. 科学主义
D. 革命英雄主义
【单选题】
下列名言反映中华民族是一个艰苦奋斗的民族的有___。
A. 艰难困苦,玉汝于成
B. 先天下之忧而忧
C. 生于忧患,死于安乐
D. 民无信不立
【单选题】
10。___是我们立党立国的根本指导思想
A. 马克思主义
B. 社会主义荣辱观
C. 社会主义思想道德
D. 爱国主义11. 当代大学生的历史使命是(A)
【单选题】
衡量大学生全面发展的一个重要标准是___
A. 知识渊博
B. 品质高尚
C. 德才兼备
D. 知行统一
【单选题】
独立生活意识指___
A. 自己的事情自己处理不需要别人管
B. 自己想干什么就干什么
C. 树立自信、自律、自立、自强的精神
D. 天马行空独来独往
【单选题】
___作为社会主义核心价值体系的精髓,解决的是应当具备什么样的精神状态和精神风貌的问题。
A. 马克思主义的指导地位
B. 中国特色社会主义的共同理想
C. 民族精神和时代精神
D. 社会主义荣辱观
【单选题】
人们对生活在其中的世界及人与世界的关系的总的看法和根本观点就是___
A. 世界观
B. 人生观
C. 价值观
D. 历史观
【单选题】
人生观的核心是___
A. 人生意义
B. 人生目的
C. 人生态度
D. 人生价值
【单选题】
人的本质属性是___
A. 自然属性
B. 自私自利
C. 社会属性
D. 趋利避害
【单选题】
社会主义社会人生价值标准是___
A. 是否拥有金钱财富
B. 自我价值实现的程度
C. 宗教信仰是否虔诚
D. 是否为人民群众尽心尽力服务
【单选题】
回答人为什么活着___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
表明人应当怎样对待生活___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
判别什么样的人生才有意义___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 价值取向
【单选题】
下列人生态度中正确的是___
A. 认真务实
B. 看破红尘
C. 悲观消沉
D. 满足于现状
【单选题】
下列属于正确的人生目的的是___
A. 追求享乐
B. 为人民服务
C. 追求金钱
D. 追求个人利益
【单选题】
___认为,金钱可以主宰一切.
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___ 认为,社会和他人是达到个人目的的手段。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___认为,人生的全部内容就在于满足感官的需求与快乐。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
马克思对于人的本质的论断确立与___
A. 《关于费尔巴哈的提纲》
B. 《共产党宣言》
C. 《劳动在才从猿到人转变过程中的作用》D《论黑格尔哲学》
【单选题】
人与自然关系的实质是___
A. 人与人的关系,是社会关系
B. 人对于自然的利用和占有
C. 自然必须服务于人类社会的发展
D. 人与物的占有与被占有的关系
推荐试题
【单选题】
日本东京大家信息基础中心和日立制作所的联合研究小组2002年12月6 日宣布,他们用由144台电脑连接而成的每秒能完成2万亿次计算的超级电脑,将圆周率计算到小数点12411亿位。这表明___
A. 人们的认识是不断发展的,最终能够达到终极真理
B. 实践为认识提供水平越来越高的物质技术手段,推动认识不断发展
C. 实践是检验认识正确与否的唯一标准
D. 实践是客观的物质性活动
【单选题】
摩尔根曾长期生活于美洲土著印第安人的部落中,掌握了大量的实际材料,对这种社会组织做了深入的了解,才写出《古代社会》这部不朽之作,提出了一系列有重大科学价值的见解。这件事说明___
A. 学习有科学价值的书本知识十分重要
B. 只要掌握实际材料,就能获得理论知识
C. 一切真知都是从直接经验发源的
D. 深入实际调查研究,是获得知识的唯一途径
【单选题】
温家宝总理在给一位国务院参事的回信中,引用了两句诗:“知屋漏者在宇下,知政失者在草野。”这一古训蕴含的哲理是___
A. 人的经验是判断是非得失的根本尺度
B. 直接经验比间接经验更重要
C. 感性认识高于理性认识
D. 人民群众的直接经验即实践是认识的重要基础
【单选题】
不同的人对同一事物的认识往往各不相同,这说明…………………___
A. 认识是主体的自由创造
B. 认识不受客体的制约
C. 认识受主体状况的影响
D. 认识的内容和形式都是主观的
【单选题】
衡量社会生产力发展水平的客观尺度是___
A. 人民群众的生活水平
B. 生产工具的改进
C. 劳动对象的利用
D. 劳动者的思想觉悟
【单选题】
社会发展的决定力量是___
A. 人口因素
B. 地理环境
C. 国家政权
D. 生产方式
【单选题】
国家的本质是___
A. 阶级统治的工具
B. 各阶级利益的调解者
C. 人们相互约定的组织
D. 真个社会的代表者
【单选题】
经济基础是___
A. 一定历史阶段上生产力和生产关系的总和
B. 一定历史阶段上生产力和生产关系的总和
C. 一定历史阶段上科学技术和经济管理的总和
D. 一段历史阶段上占统治地位的生产关系各方面的总和
【单选题】
人类社会和自然界对立统一的基础是___
A. 地理环境
B. 劳动
C. 人口的生产和再生产
D. 物质资料的生产方式
【单选题】
必然和自由的关系是___
A. 只有摆脱必然性的制约,才能实现自由
B. 两者绝对对立的
C. 两者并无本质差别
D. 自由必须建立在对必然性的认识和对客观世界改造的基础上
【单选题】
划分阶级的标准是___
A. 经济标准
B. 政治标准
C. 思想标准
D. 社会标准
【单选题】
人的本质在于___
A. 人能够改造世界
B. 人有阶级性
C. 人有思想,有理性
D. 是一切社会关系的总和
【单选题】
群体意识是___
A. 集体主义的产物
B. 个体意识的总汇
C. 群体实践的产物
D. 群体共同意识的产物
【单选题】
自然科学是一种社会意识形式,它___
A. 属于没有阶级性的上层建筑
B. 属于非上层建筑的意识形式
C. 属于特定经济基础的上层建筑
D. 属于思想上层建筑
【单选题】
理解整个人类社会发展史的钥匙是___
A. 生产关系的发展史
B. 社会意识的发展史
C. 生产劳动的发展史
D. 阶级斗争的发展史
【单选题】
“英雄和人民群众共同创造历史”,这个观点的实质是___
A. 历史唯物主义
B. 历史唯心主义
C. 历史主义
D. 自然主义
【单选题】
党的十一届三中全会以来,由于党的路线、方针、政策的正确,促进了我国经济的迅速发展,这说明___
A. 先进的上层建筑对经济基础有能动的反作用
B. 上层建筑的进步可以决定经济基础的发展
C. 经济基础发展的总趋势是由上层建筑决定的
D. 经济发展的规律是可以改变的
【单选题】
“任何英雄人物的历史作用都不能超出他们所处历史条件所许可的范围”,这种看法是___
A. 宿命论的观点
B. 机械论的观点
C. 历史循环论的观点
D. 历史唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
上层建筑由两部分组成,即___
A. 政治法律制度与军队警察等武装力量
B. 生产关系和政治制度
C. 政权和政治法律制度及其设施
D. 政治上层建筑和思想上层建筑
【单选题】
个人意识与群体意识的联系表现为___
A. 群体意识是个人意识的总和
B. 个人意识决定群体意识
C. 个人意识从群体意识中产生
D. 两者相互依赖、作用和转化
【单选题】
社会主义的上层建筑先于它的经济基础而产生,这说明___
A. 上层建筑有其相对的独立性与不同步性
B. 上层建筑和经济基础的经济发展规律不适用于社会主义社会
C. 社会主义经济基础和上层建筑是相互决定的
D. 社会主义经济基础是由上层建筑决定的
【单选题】
经济基础决定上层建筑,就是说___
A. 一切社会的上层建筑都要在它的经济基础建立之后才能产生
B. 一切社会的上层建筑都根源于经济基础
C. 一切社会的上层建筑的变化都是同经济基础变化同步的
D. 社会中一切经济基础成分都决定着社会的上层建筑性质
【单选题】
关于人的价值的正确观点是___
A. 人的自我价值就在人本身,人生来都有平等的价值
B. 人的自我价值就在于自由,它是通过人的自由选择实现的
C. 人的自我价值在于采取必要手段赢得一定的社会地位
D. 人的自我价值在于社会对个人的尊重和满足
【单选题】
社会基本矛盾是___
A. 社会存在与社会意识的矛盾
B. 物质生产和精神生产的矛盾
C. 生产和消费的矛盾
D. 生产力与生产关系、经济基础和上层建筑的矛盾
【单选题】
社会物质生活条件是指___
A. 全部自然界
B. 人口
C. 地理环境
D. 地理环境、人口和生产方式诸要素的总和
【单选题】
区分国家性质的主要根据是___
A. 社会生产力发展的程度
B. 各阶级在国家中的地位
C. 国家政权的构成形式
D. 科学文化的发展水平
【单选题】
生产关系所体现的是生产过程中___
A. 人与自然的关系
B. 人与人的政治关系
C. 人与人的思想关系
D. 人与人的经济关系
【单选题】
生产里所体现的关系是___
A. 人和人的关系
B. 人和物的关系
C. 物与物的关系
D. 人和自然的关系
【单选题】
社会形态是___
A. 社会存在和社会意识的统一
B. 地理环境、人口和物质资料生产方式的统一
C. 生产力和生产关系的统一
D. 经济基础和上层建筑的统一
【单选题】
生产力和生产关系、经济基础和上层建筑这两对社会基本矛盾的关系是___
A. 前者和后者相互决定、相互制约
B. 前者和后者并行不悖
C. 以后者为基础,推动前者矛盾的解决
D. 以前者为基础,两者相互制约,互相作用
【单选题】
人的价值的两方面是指___
A. 物质价值与精神价值
B. 政治价值和精神价值
C. 社会价值和自我价值
D. 潜在价值和现实价值
【单选题】
社会规律与自然规律的区别是___
A. 前者是主观的,后者是客观的
B. 前者是人造的,后者是自然界固有的
C. 前者通过人的自觉活动而实现,后者自发地起作用
D. 前者可以被我们废弃和改变,后者无法废弃和改变
【单选题】
人民群众创造历史总要受到社会历史条件的制约,其根本的条件是指___
A. 生产力和生产关系的状况
B. 人们头脑中的传统观念
C. 科学文化水平
D. 人们的生活水平
【单选题】
在劳动资料这一复杂而广泛的物质系统中具有决定意义的因素是___
A. 信息传递系统
B. 生产工具系统
C. 动力系统
D. 能源系统
【单选题】
国家是凌驾于社会之上的特殊社会权利的观点,这是对___
A. 国家本质的错误论断
B. 国家起源的正确论断
C. 国家阶级性的正确论断
D. 国家职能的错误论断
【单选题】
人的解放就是___
A. 实现绝对自由
B. 摆脱规律的支配
C. 摆脱盲目必然性和社会关系的奴役
D. 不受任何束缚
【单选题】
人类社会变化发展的决定性因素是___
A. 阶级矛盾和阶级斗争
B. 物质资料的生产方式
C. 天才人物的出现
D. 地理环境和人口条件
【单选题】
唯物史观的出发点是___
A. 杰出人物
B. 人性
C. 人类之爱
D. 物质资料的生产活动
【单选题】
生产关系中具有决定意义的因素是___
A. 产品的分配关系
B. 产品的交换关系
C. 生产资料所有制形式
D. 人们在生产中所处的地位