【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
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【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
【单选题】
世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。
A. “多极化”
B. 单边主义
C. 两极格局形成
D. 一超独霸
【单选题】
在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可,统一存在的,其中处于主导地位的是___。
【单选题】
时代精神的内涵十分丰富,其中___居于核心地位。
A. 艰苦奋斗
B. 自强不息
C. 团结统一
D. 改革创新
【单选题】
民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。
A. 爱国主义
B. 人道主义
C. 科学主义
D. 革命英雄主义
【单选题】
下列名言反映中华民族是一个艰苦奋斗的民族的有___。
A. 艰难困苦,玉汝于成
B. 先天下之忧而忧
C. 生于忧患,死于安乐
D. 民无信不立
【单选题】
10。___是我们立党立国的根本指导思想
A. 马克思主义
B. 社会主义荣辱观
C. 社会主义思想道德
D. 爱国主义11. 当代大学生的历史使命是(A)
【单选题】
衡量大学生全面发展的一个重要标准是___
A. 知识渊博
B. 品质高尚
C. 德才兼备
D. 知行统一
【单选题】
独立生活意识指___
A. 自己的事情自己处理不需要别人管
B. 自己想干什么就干什么
C. 树立自信、自律、自立、自强的精神
D. 天马行空独来独往
【单选题】
___作为社会主义核心价值体系的精髓,解决的是应当具备什么样的精神状态和精神风貌的问题。
A. 马克思主义的指导地位
B. 中国特色社会主义的共同理想
C. 民族精神和时代精神
D. 社会主义荣辱观
【单选题】
人们对生活在其中的世界及人与世界的关系的总的看法和根本观点就是___
A. 世界观
B. 人生观
C. 价值观
D. 历史观
【单选题】
人生观的核心是___
A. 人生意义
B. 人生目的
C. 人生态度
D. 人生价值
【单选题】
人的本质属性是___
A. 自然属性
B. 自私自利
C. 社会属性
D. 趋利避害
【单选题】
社会主义社会人生价值标准是___
A. 是否拥有金钱财富
B. 自我价值实现的程度
C. 宗教信仰是否虔诚
D. 是否为人民群众尽心尽力服务
【单选题】
回答人为什么活着___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
表明人应当怎样对待生活___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
判别什么样的人生才有意义___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 价值取向
【单选题】
下列人生态度中正确的是___
A. 认真务实
B. 看破红尘
C. 悲观消沉
D. 满足于现状
【单选题】
下列属于正确的人生目的的是___
A. 追求享乐
B. 为人民服务
C. 追求金钱
D. 追求个人利益
【单选题】
___认为,金钱可以主宰一切.
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___ 认为,社会和他人是达到个人目的的手段。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___认为,人生的全部内容就在于满足感官的需求与快乐。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
马克思对于人的本质的论断确立与___
A. 《关于费尔巴哈的提纲》
B. 《共产党宣言》
C. 《劳动在才从猿到人转变过程中的作用》D《论黑格尔哲学》
【单选题】
人与自然关系的实质是___
A. 人与人的关系,是社会关系
B. 人对于自然的利用和占有
C. 自然必须服务于人类社会的发展
D. 人与物的占有与被占有的关系
【单选题】
在社会交往和公共生活中公民应该遵守的道德准则是___
A. 职业道德
B. 道德
C. 社会公德
D. 家庭美德
【单选题】
社会公德最基本的要求是___
A. 文明礼貌
B. 遵纪守法
C. 保护环境
D. 助人为乐
【单选题】
通过其规定和实施,影响人们思想,培养和提高人们法律意识,引导人们依法行为的作用是法律的___
A. 指引作用
B. 预测作用
C. 评价作用
D. 教育作用
【单选题】
有序的公共生活是构建和谐社会的___
A. 重要条件
B. 重要作用
C. 重要标志
D. 重要原则
【单选题】
一行人在过路口时迎面遇到红灯,看到近处没有车辆便径直通过。他这样做是___
A. 节省时间之举
B. 聪明灵活之举
C. 可供学习之举
D. 不遵守交通规则,违反社会公德之举
推荐试题
【单选题】
“必然王国”和“自由王国”是___
A. 时间性概念
B. 空间性概念
C. 历史性概念
D. 物质性概念
【单选题】
马克思主义认为,消灭“三大差别”的关键在于___
A. 消灭工业与农业的差别
B. 消灭城市和乡村的差别
C. 消灭脑力劳动和体力劳动的差别
D. 消灭利益差别
【单选题】
各尽所能,按需分配是___
A. 原始社会的分配方式
B. 阶级社会的分配方式
C. 社会主义社会的分配方式
D. 共产主义社会的分配方式
【单选题】
在人的发展和社会发展的关系问题上,马克思主义认为___
A. 前者是个人的理想,后者是社会的目标
B. 前者体现了个人价值,后者体现了社会价值
C. 前者和后者是彼此独立的历史发展过程
D. 前者和后者互为前提和基础
【单选题】
江泽民说:“忘记远大理想而只顾眼前,就会失去前进方向,离开现实工作而空谈远大理想,就会脱离实际。”江泽民所说的“远大理想”是指___
A. 共产主义远大理想
B. 建设中国特色社会主义共同理想
C. 个人对美好生活的向往与追求
D. 个人对将来职业的向往与追求
【单选题】
下列属于自由王国社会状态的是___
A. 奴隶社会
B. 封建社会
C. 资本主义社会
D. 共产主义社会
【单选题】
必然王国和自由王国是社会发展的___
A. 两种不同的状态
B. 两种不同的选择
C. 两条不同的道路
D. 两种不同的理想
【单选题】
自由王国是指人们___
A. 处于绝对自由的原始社会状态
B. 不再受自然规律和社会规律支配的状态
C. 允许自由竞争的资本主义状态
D. 摆脱了自然和社会关系的奴役,成为自己社会关系主人的状态
【多选题】
马克思主义是___
A. 马克思恩格斯创立的,并为后继者不断发展的科学理论体系
B. 关于无产阶级解放、全人类解放和每个人自由而全面发展的学说
C. 关于社会主义必然代替资本主义,最终实现共产主义的学说
D. 关于自然、社会和思维发展一般规律的学说
【多选题】
马克思主义理论体系不可分割的三个主要组成部分分别是___
A. 马克思主义哲学
B. 马克思主义政治经济学
C. 科学社会主义
D. 马克思主义军事学
【多选题】
马克思主义的三大直接理论来源分别是___
A. 德国古典哲学
B. 英国古典政治经济学
C. 人权宣言
D. 法国英国的空想社会主义
【多选题】
马克思恩格斯批判地继承了前人的成果,发现了两大学说从而实现了人类思想史上的伟大革命,这两大学说分别是___
A. 唯物史观
B. 劳动价值学说
C. 剩余价值学说
D. 辩证法
【多选题】
资本主义的充分发展造成了深重的社会灾难,表现为___
A. 社会两极分化,工人极端困苦
B. 劳动生产率极大提高
C. 科学技术迅猛发展
D. 周期性经济危机频繁爆发
【多选题】
马克思主义的基本方法包括___
A. 辩证分析的方法
B. 阶级分析的方法
C. 矛盾分析的方法
D. 历史分析的方法
【多选题】
马克思主义除三个有机组成部分之外,还包括___
A. 马克思主义历史学
B. 马克思主义新闻学
C. 马克思主义文化学
D. 马克思主义军事学
【多选题】
一切从实际出发,实事求是,在实践中检验和发展真理,这是___
A. 马克思主义最重要的理论品质
B. 马克思主义始终保持蓬勃生命力的关键所在
C. 人类认识发展规律的基本要求
D. 理论创新的内在要求
【多选题】
科学社会主义___
A. 阐明了由资本主义社会转变为社会主义、共产主义社会的客观规律
B. 阐明了无产阶级获得彻底解放的历史条件
C. 阐明了无产阶级的历史使命
D. 使社会主义由空想成为科学
【多选题】
十九世纪三、四十年代欧洲的三大工人运动是指___
A. 法国马赛工人起义
B. 法国里昂工人起义
C. 英国宪章运动
D. 德国西里西亚纺织工人起义
【多选题】
十九世纪的三大科学发现为马克思主义产生提供了自然科学前提,这三大发现是指___
A. 细胞学说
B. 燃素说
C. 能量守恒和转化定律
D. 生物进化理论
【多选题】
马克思主义的鲜明特征包括___
A. 科学性
B. 革命性
C. 实践性
D. 人民性和发展性
【多选题】
马克思主义具有科学的世界观和方法论基础,即___
A. 辩证唯物主义
B. 实践唯物主义
C. 历史唯物主义
D. 唯物主义认识论
【多选题】
马克思主义的革命性集中表现为___
A. 彻底的批判精神
B. 鲜明的无产阶级立场
C. 理论的创新性
D. 马克思主义政党的先进性
【多选题】
马克思主义的当代价值是___
A. 观察当代世界变化的认识工具
B. 指引当代中国发展的行动指南
C. 引领人类社会进步的科学真理
D. 资产阶级发家致富的必要手段
【多选题】
大学生在学习马克思主义的过程中,要有正确的态度和科学的方法,包括___
A. 把马克思主义当作教条
B. 学习和掌握马克思主义的基本立场、观点、方法
C. 坚持理论联系实际的马克思主义学风
D. 自觉将马克思主义内化于心、外化于行
【多选题】
哲学是___的世界观
A. 规范化
B. 系统化
C. 理论化
D. 抽象化
【多选题】
二元论的观点认为世界的本原___
A. 既是物质的
B. 又是精神的
C. 是物质的
D. 是精神的
【多选题】
公孙龙提出的“白马非马”命题,其错误在于割裂了事物的___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 普遍性和特殊性的关系
C. 整体和部分的关系
D. 一般和个别的关系
【多选题】
下列例子中表现了否定之否定规律的是___
A. 麦粒——麦株——麦粒
B. 光的微粒说——光的波动说——光的波粒二像说
C. 团结——批评——团结
D. 古代朴素唯物主义与辩证法自发的结合——近代唯物论与辩证法的分裂——现代辩证法与唯物主义的自觉结合
【多选题】
运动和静止的关系是___
A. 一般和个别的关系
B. 普遍和特殊的关系
C. 绝对和相对的关系
D. 动中有静,静中有动
【多选题】
哲学基本问题是___
A. 思维和存在的关系问题
B. 运动和静止的关系问题
C. 意识和物质的关系问题
D. 实践和认识的关系问题
【多选题】
哲学基本问题包括两个方面的内容:___
A. 存在决定思维
B. 思维决定存在
C. 存在和思维哪一个是世界的本原
D. 存在和思维有没有同一性
【多选题】
在物质和意识的关系问题上,辩证唯物主义的观点是___
A. 物质和意识相互起决定作用
B. 物质决定意识
C. 意识对物质具有能动作用
D. 物质不能决定意识,意识也不能决定物质
【多选题】
物质与运动是不可分的,因为___
A. 凡是物质都是运动着的物质
B. 凡是运动都是物质的运动
C. 运动是物质的根本属性
D. 运动和物质都是实体
【多选题】
意识是___
A. 物质世界长期发展的产物
B. 人类社会历史的产物
C. 人类特有的精神活动
D. 物质世界的主观映象
【多选题】
正确发挥主观能动性要___
A. 尊重客观规律
B. 通过实践
C. 超脱客观规律的制约
D. 不讲任何条件
【多选题】
本质与现象的关系是___
A. 本质决定现象
B. 现象决定本质
C. 现象表现本质
D. 本质表现现象
【多选题】
矛盾范畴所包含的两种基本属性是___
A. 矛盾对抗性
B. 矛盾同一性
C. 矛盾斗争性
D. 矛盾平衡性
【多选题】
人类社会的物质性主要表现在___
A. 人类社会是物质世界的组成部分
B. 人类获取生活资料的活动是物质性的
C. 人类社会存在和发展的基础是物质资料的生产方式
D. 以上都对
【多选题】
矛盾问题的精髓是___
A. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性的关系问题
B. 主要矛盾和非主要矛盾的问题
C. 矛盾的共性与个性的关系问题
D. 对抗性矛盾和非对抗性矛盾的关系问题