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【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
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答案
D
解析
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相关试题
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
【单选题】
现代人才素质的灵魂是___。
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基础.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。
A. “多极化”
B. 单边主义
C. 两极格局形成
D. 一超独霸
【单选题】
在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可,统一存在的,其中处于主导地位的是___。
A. 德育
B. 智育
C. 体育
D. 美育
【单选题】
时代精神的内涵十分丰富,其中___居于核心地位。
A. 艰苦奋斗
B. 自强不息
C. 团结统一
D. 改革创新
【单选题】
民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。
A. 爱国主义
B. 人道主义
C. 科学主义
D. 革命英雄主义
【单选题】
下列名言反映中华民族是一个艰苦奋斗的民族的有___。
A. 艰难困苦,玉汝于成
B. 先天下之忧而忧
C. 生于忧患,死于安乐
D. 民无信不立
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基本内容
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
10。___是我们立党立国的根本指导思想
A. 马克思主义
B. 社会主义荣辱观
C. 社会主义思想道德
D. 爱国主义11. 当代大学生的历史使命是(A)
【单选题】
衡量大学生全面发展的一个重要标准是___
A. 知识渊博
B. 品质高尚
C. 德才兼备
D. 知行统一
【单选题】
独立生活意识指___
A. 自己的事情自己处理不需要别人管
B. 自己想干什么就干什么
C. 树立自信、自律、自立、自强的精神
D. 天马行空独来独往
【单选题】
___作为社会主义核心价值体系的精髓,解决的是应当具备什么样的精神状态和精神风貌的问题。
A. 马克思主义的指导地位
B. 中国特色社会主义的共同理想
C. 民族精神和时代精神
D. 社会主义荣辱观
【单选题】
___是人才素质的综合体现.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
人们对生活在其中的世界及人与世界的关系的总的看法和根本观点就是___
A. 世界观
B. 人生观
C. 价值观
D. 历史观
【单选题】
人生观的核心是___
A. 人生意义
B. 人生目的
C. 人生态度
D. 人生价值
【单选题】
人的本质属性是___
A. 自然属性
B. 自私自利
C. 社会属性
D. 趋利避害
【单选题】
社会主义社会人生价值标准是___
A. 是否拥有金钱财富
B. 自我价值实现的程度
C. 宗教信仰是否虔诚
D. 是否为人民群众尽心尽力服务
【单选题】
回答人为什么活着___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
表明人应当怎样对待生活___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
判别什么样的人生才有意义___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 价值取向
【单选题】
下列人生态度中正确的是___
A. 认真务实
B. 看破红尘
C. 悲观消沉
D. 满足于现状
【单选题】
下列属于正确的人生目的的是___
A. 追求享乐
B. 为人民服务
C. 追求金钱
D. 追求个人利益
【单选题】
___认为,金钱可以主宰一切.
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___ 认为,社会和他人是达到个人目的的手段。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___认为,人生的全部内容就在于满足感官的需求与快乐。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
马克思对于人的本质的论断确立与___
A. 《关于费尔巴哈的提纲》
B. 《共产党宣言》
C. 《劳动在才从猿到人转变过程中的作用》D《论黑格尔哲学》
【单选题】
人与自然关系的实质是___
A. 人与人的关系,是社会关系
B. 人对于自然的利用和占有
C. 自然必须服务于人类社会的发展
D. 人与物的占有与被占有的关系
【单选题】
在社会交往和公共生活中公民应该遵守的道德准则是___
A. 职业道德
B. 道德
C. 社会公德
D. 家庭美德
【单选题】
社会公德最基本的要求是___
A. 文明礼貌
B. 遵纪守法
C. 保护环境
D. 助人为乐
【单选题】
通过其规定和实施,影响人们思想,培养和提高人们法律意识,引导人们依法行为的作用是法律的___
A. 指引作用
B. 预测作用
C. 评价作用
D. 教育作用
【单选题】
有序的公共生活是构建和谐社会的___
A. 重要条件
B. 重要作用
C. 重要标志
D. 重要原则
【单选题】
一行人在过路口时迎面遇到红灯,看到近处没有车辆便径直通过。他这样做是___
A. 节省时间之举
B. 聪明灵活之举
C. 可供学习之举
D. 不遵守交通规则,违反社会公德之举
推荐试题
【多选题】
等高线有___等几种形式。
A. 首曲线
B. 计曲线
C. 间曲线
D. 助曲线
【多选题】
下列属于等高线的特征___。
A. 同一条等高线上各点的高程相等
B. 是闭合曲线,若不在本幅图闭合,则必然在相邻的其它图幅内闭合,它不能在图中突然断开
C. 等高线不相交,而重合分岔
D. 等高距相同的情况下,平距大的一地方坡度缓,平距小的地方则坡度大,平距相等时坡度相等
【多选题】
测角方法误差包括___。
A. 照准误差
B. 读数误差
C. 对中误差
D. 整平误差
【多选题】
观测站通常分为三种___。
A. 地表观测站
B. 岩层内部观测站
C. 专门观测站
D. 临时观测站
【多选题】
经纬仪的读数方法有___种。
A. 游标读数法
B. 分划尺读数法
C. 指标线平分读数法
D. 分划线符合读数法
【多选题】
偶然误差有以下几个特性:___。
A. 定的观测条件下,偶然误差的绝对值不会超过一定的限值
B. 值较小的误差比绝对值较大的误差出现的机会多
C. 值相等的正误差与负误差出现的机会相等
D. 误差的算术平均值,随着观测次数的无限增加趋向于零
【多选题】
煤炭企业、煤矿应当结合本单位实际情况建立健全___、探放水制度、重大水患停产撤人制度以及应急处置制度等。
A. 水害防治岗位责任制
B. 水害防治技术管理制度
C. 水害预测预报制度
D. 水害隐患排查治理制度
【多选题】
下列选项中___属于矿井应当建立的防治水基础台账。
A. 矿井涌水量观测成果台账
B. 矿井突水点台账
C. 封孔不良钻孔资料台账
D. 矿井和周边煤矿采空区相关资料台账
【多选题】
建设矿井应当编制下列主要成果及图件:___。
A. 水文地质观测台账和成果
B. 突水点台账,防治水的技术总结,注浆堵水记录和有关资料
C. 井筒及主要巷道水文地质实测剖面
D. 建井地质报告,应当包含防治水的相关内容
【多选题】
矿井涌水量观测可以采用___等测量方法,测量工具和仪表应当定期校验。
A. 容积法
B. 堰测法
C. 浮标法
D. 流速仪法
【多选题】
井下水文地质补充勘探应当采用井下___、测试等综合勘探方法,针对井下特殊作业环境,采取可靠的安全技术措施。
A. 钻探
B. 物探
C. 化探
D. 监测
【多选题】
井下物探采用电法实施掘进工作面超前探测的,探测环境应当符合下列要求:___。
A. 巷道断面、长度满足探测所需要的空间
B. 距探测点20m范围内不得有积水
C. 不得存放掘进机、铁轨、皮带机架、锚网、锚杆等金属物体
D. 巷道内动力电缆、大型机电设备必须停电
【多选题】
煤层内,原则上禁止探放水压高于1MPa的___等。如确实需要的,可以先构筑防水闸墙,并在闸墙外向内探放水。
A. 充水断层水
B. 含水层水
C. 陷落柱水
D. 老空水
【多选题】
钻孔放水前,应当估计积水量,并根据排水能力和水仓容量,控制放水流量,防止淹井淹面 放水时,应当设有专人监测钻孔出水情况,测定___,做好记录。如果水量突然变化,应当分析原因,及时处理,并立即报告矿井调度室。
A. 水温
B. 水量
C. 水压
D. 水头高度
【多选题】
煤矿必须落实防治水的主体责任,推进防治水工作由过程治理向源头预防___。
A. 局部治理向区域治理
B. 井下治理向井上下结合治理
C. 措施防范向工程治理
D. 治水为主向治保结合的转变
【多选题】
煤矿主要负责人必须赋予___等相关人员紧急撤人的权力,发现突水(透水、溃水,下同)征兆、极端天气可能导致淹井等重大险情,立即撤出所有受水患威胁地点的人员。
A. 调度员
B. 安检员
C. 井下带班人员
D. 职工
【多选题】
 矿井应当建立水文地质信息管理系统,实现矿井水文地质文字资料收集、___、水害预测预报一体化。
A. 数据采集
B. 台账编制
C. 图件绘制
D. 计算评价
【多选题】
矿井水文地质补充勘探应当针对具体问题合理选择勘查技术、方法,井田外区域以遥感水文地质测绘等为主,井田内以___、试验、实验及长期动态观(监)测等为主,进行综合勘查。
A. 水文地质物探
B. 钻探
C. 化探
D. 超前探
【多选题】
矿井应当建立水文地质信息管理系统,实现矿井水文地质___、计算评价和水害预测预报一体化。
A. 文字资料收集
B. 数据采集
C. 台账编制
D. 图件绘制
【多选题】
煤矿应当建立暴雨洪水可能引发淹井等事故灾害紧急情况下及时撤出井下人员的制度,明确启动标准及___等。
A. 指挥部门
B. 联络人员
C. 撤人程序
D. 撤退路线
【多选题】
底板水防治应当根据矿井实际,采取___等防治水措施,消除水害威胁。
A. 地面区域治理
B. 井下注浆加固底板或者改造含水层
C. 疏水降压
D. 充填开采
【多选题】
煤矿应当根据老空水查明程度和防治措施落实到位程度,对受老空水影响的煤层按威胁程度分为___
A. 可采区
B. 缓采区
C. 禁采区
D. 威胁区
【多选题】
水害事故发生后,煤矿应当依照有关规定报告政府有关部门,不得___。
A. 迟报
B. 漏报
C. 谎报
D. 瞒报
【多选题】
采掘工作面遇有___的,必须进行探放水:
A. 接近水淹或者可能积水的井巷、老空或者相邻煤矿时
B. 接近含水层、导水断层、溶洞或者导水陷落柱时
C. 打开隔离煤柱放水时
D. 接近可能与河流、湖泊、水库、蓄水池、水井等相通的导水通道
【多选题】
采掘工作面遇有___的,必须进行探放水:
A. 接近有出水可能的钻孔时
B. 接近水文地质条件不清的区域时
C. 接近有积水的灌浆区时
D. 打开隔离煤柱放水时
【多选题】
煤矿必须落实防治水的主体责任,推进防治水工作由___、治水为主向治保结合的转变。
A. 过程治理向源头预防
B. 局部治理向区域治理
C. 井下治理向井上下结合治理
D. 措施防范向工程治理
【多选题】
地下含水体普查,应查明影响矿井安全开采的水文地质条件,各种含水体的___和导水通道等,预测煤矿正常和最大涌水量,提出防排水建议。
A. 水源
B. 水量
C. 水位
D. 水质
【多选题】
探水作业时,钻进过程中若发现孔内漏水,应测定___。 
A. 信号
B. 水
C. 耗水量
D. 涌水量
【多选题】
钻机运转时,禁止探放水工用___制动运转部分。
A. 手
B. 脚
C. 铁杆
D. 其他物件
【多选题】
发生突水事故后,在唯一出口被堵无法撤离时,应___
A. 沉着冷静,就地避险救灾
B. 等待救护人员营救
C. 潜水脱险
【多选题】
井下避灾的行动原则是___。
A. 及时报告灾情
B. 积极抢救
C. 安全撤离
D. 妥善避灾
【多选题】
在___的情况下,应采用隔离式探水。
A. 高水压
B. 水量大
C. 煤层松软
D. 节理发育
【多选题】
井下钻孔出水后必须进行___参数测定。
A. 水温
B. 水压
C. 流速
D. 流量
【多选题】
探放老空水前,要首先分析查明老空水体的___。
A. 压力
B. 空间位置
C. 积水量和水压
D. 流量
【多选题】
有突水危险的工作面及水文条件复杂的矿井,必须坚持___的原则。
A. 物探先行
B. 钻探验证
C. 先治后采
D. 边探边掘
【多选题】
钻机运转前应检查___等。
A. 钻场及周围有害气体含量
B. 钻场及周围的安全状况
C. 油箱变速器油位是否适量
D. 油泵起压是否达到额定压力,油路接头是否漏油
【多选题】
矿井水文地质划分为 ___ 4种类型。
A. 极简单
B. 简单
C. 中等
D. 复杂
E. 极复杂
【多选题】
采掘工作面或其它地点遇到有突水预兆时,必须___撤出所有受水威胁地点的人员。
A. 停止作业
B. 采取措施
C. 立即报告矿调度室
D. 发出警报
【多选题】
煤层产状要素有___。
A. 走向
B. 断层
C. 倾向
D. 倾角
【多选题】
每次探水孔的位置由探水的___和巷道允许掘进的距离而定。
A. 高度
B. 宽度
C. 深度
D. 探水超前距
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