是 ___

在客观规律面前，人的主观能动性表现在___

事物的联系和运动之间的关系___

唯物辩证法的总特征是___

___

“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___

唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___

区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___

质量互变规律揭示了___

质和事物的存在是___

在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___

GPON CLASS B+支持的最大分光比___

GPON的OLT能提供的最大传输距离为（ ）公里.___

GPON技术中，OLT上行采用（ ）技术进行数据下发，使用的波长窗口为（ ）___

下面那两种设置是动态分配DCC （ ）___

GPON下行速率是（ ）___

GPON下行帧长固定为___

GPON协议实际上是包含了四个协议，其中定义了GPON的整体的网络框架，一些基本的网络参数诸如最大传输距离，最大传输距离差等以及GPON的保护方式的协议是（）___

GPRS（General Packet Radio Service）即（ ），是GSM标准化组织制定的一套标准，以实现移动分组数据业务。GPRS网络是一个传输承载平台，提供的是端到端分组交换方式下数据的发送和接收。___

GPRS行业终端数据配置中，终端需要访问的客户服务器IP地址，一般由（ ）配置，如192.168.x.x。___

GPRS企业接入业务需要网络端服务器与GGSN之间建立何种隧道？___

GPRS企业接入中，企业端路由器通过什么协议进行封装后与GPRS核心网进行通信___

以太网交换机是一种（ ）___

GPRS专线典型案例：某集团反应其大负控系统的其中几个点的GPRS流量异常，远远超过设计的2M/月的流量标准，客户要求查明原因。处理过程：首先ITC在计费系统里查询这几个号码的帐务信息，没有发现问题，提交网维分析原因。网维认为产生大幅超标流量，可能是GPRS终端设备与服务器之间的数据重传导致的。咨询集成商其业务层实现原理，终端侧周期性（一般为每小时）向服务器报告其监控到的信息，如果服务器在预定时间内没有收到或收到的信息不完整，则向终端发出指令要求重传。经过分析，（）导致数据传送不完整进而重传，而数据大量重传正是导致流量超标的原因。协助集成商检查那几个超流量终端的安装情况，发现安装位置是可能的信号盲点，通过更换无线模块的安装位置，问题解决。空缺部分最可能的情况是：___

GPRS专线维护中，客户的无线网卡上网设置中，APN应设为 ( )___

ZXCTN6300设备的功耗是 ___

下面那些协议没有使用TCP（）___

H．248协议中是通过以下哪个命令上报的号码（ ）___

H.248协议中以下哪个命令既可以由MG发给MGC，也可以由MGC发给MG（ ）___

H.248协议中以下哪个是MG发给MGC的心跳消息？（ ）___

H.248协议中以下哪个字符用于表示空关联？（ ）___

HDLC是一种（）协议___

HG220 FE端口最多支持（ ）条vlan配置___

HG220的路由方式上网的几种基本方式，分别为( )___

HUB工作在（）层，SWITCH工作在（）层 ___

以太网帧中，TAG标签占几个字节.（ ）___

IAD的WAN支持的IP地址分配方式（）___

现在我们有一个互联网专线用户，他可用的公网地址区间为211.140.1.82-211.140.1.86，请问公司为该用户互联网专线划分网段的子网掩码是（ ）位.___

IAD通过（ ）协议与SoftSwitch软交换设备配合组网___

IAMS2007性能分析系统后台数据库为（ ）___

IAMS能够采集到OTNM2000上的交叉是（ ）___

IAMS数据集成维护系统不能够提供的报表（ ）___

IAMS数据集成维护系统不能够提供的功能（ ）___

IAMS数据集成维护系统属于哪个网管（ ）___

IAMS数据集成维护系统下连接3个以上的EMS创建数据库空间是createspaces -s（ ）___

IAMS数据集成维护系统中查询子网交叉的选项是什么（ ）___

IAMS数据集成维护系统中数据备份是哪个功能（ ）___

以下不是组播的报文类型是（ ）___

小网管使用中，我们经常要修改串口编号，使之与串口线使用的端口一致，我们所修改的文件为DMS.DAT的哪个参数值（ ）___

IBAS110A设备分布有（ ）路DCC通道___

IBAS180设备EMU盘（WKE2.319.084R1B）在网管上配置的盘名称为（ ）___