是 ___

在客观规律面前，人的主观能动性表现在___

事物的联系和运动之间的关系___

唯物辩证法的总特征是___

___

“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___

唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___

区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___

质量互变规律揭示了___

质和事物的存在是___

在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___

党委（党组）在党内监督中履行主体责任，纪检监察机关履行监督责任，应当将 结合起来。___

党的地方各级代表大会的职权是：___

党的问责工作应当坚持的原则： 、 ， 、 ，惩前毖后、治病救人，分级负责、层层落实责任。___

巡视组可以采取以下方式开展工作：___

办理监察事项的监察人员有下列情形之一的，应当自行回避，监察对象、检举人及其他有关人员也有权要求其回避？___

对被审查调查人违规违纪违法所得财物，应当依规依纪依法予以。___

以下哪种情况不需要在首次询问时出具《询问通知书》？___

关于制定《监察法》的意义，下列说法正确的有。___

坚持和完善党和国家监督体系，强化对权力运行的制约和监督。党和国家监督体系是党在长期执政条件下实现 重要制度保障。___

严把干部选拔任用“党风廉洁意见回复”关。综合日常工作中掌握的情况，加强分析研判，实事求是评价干部廉洁情况，防止“ ”、“ ”。___

全党要坚定执行党的政治路线，严格遵守政治纪律和政治规矩，在 上同党中央保持高度一致。___

监察机关应当依法公开监察工作信息，接受 监督。___

证据的三个基本属性包括以下哪些？___

下面哪些人员属于监察对象。___

监察机关可以对下列哪些人员采取留置措施。___

2018年新修订的《中国共产党纪律处分条例》指出，将重点查处 。___

监察机关在向人民检察院移送涉嫌职务犯罪的被调查人时 ，被调查人的情形可以作为从宽处罚建议的依据。___

根据《宪法》和《民族区域自治法》的规定，下列选项不正确的是___。

有关地方人民政府、安全生产监督管理部门和负责有安全生产监督管理职责的有关部门有下列行为之一的，对直接负责的主管人员和其他直接责任人员依法给予处分；构成犯罪的，依法追究刑事责任。___

加强和规范党内政治生活，增强党内政治生活的 ，发展积极健康的党内政治文化，营造风清气正的良好政治生态。___

监察机关及其工作人员有下列哪些行为的，被调查人及其近亲属有权向该机关申诉？___

借用管理和服务对象的钱款、住房、车辆等，影响公正执行公务，情节严重的，给予 、 或 处分。___

有下列行为之一，对直接责任者和领导责任者，情节较重的，给予警告或者严重警告处分；情节严重的，给予撤销党内职务或者留党察看处分。___

严格执行回避制度。办理监察事项的监察人员是被调查人或者检举人近亲属、本案证人、利害关系人，或者存在其他可能影响监察事项公正处理情形的，应当主动申请回避，被调查人、检举人以及其他有关人员也有权要求其回避。选用 、 、 ，应当严格执行回避制度。___

全面领导党内监督工作。中央委员会全体会议每年听取中央政治局工作报告，监督中央政治局工作，部署加强党内监督的重大任务。___

坚持和完善领导干部个人有关事项报告制度，领导干部应当按规定如实报告 事项。___

下列哪些行为要受到党纪处分：___

新修订的《中国共产党问责条例》，坚持严字当头，针对实践中出现的问责不力、泛化简单化等问题，着力提高党的问责工作的 。___

党的问责工作要达到的目的是，督促各级党组织、党的领导干部 ，践行忠诚干净担当。___

党委（党组）应当加强对本地区本部门本单位问责工作的领导，追究在党的建设、党的事业中失职失责党组织和党的领导干部的 。___

立案审查调查过程中严禁以威胁、引诱、欺骗以及其他违规违纪违法方式收集证据；严禁 证据。___

监督执纪工作实行分级负责制：县级纪委监委负责监督检查和审查调查 涉嫌违纪或者职务违法、职务犯罪问题。___

审理工作应当严格依规依纪依法审核把关，提出纪律处理或者处分的意见，做到手续完备、程序合规、 。___

严格执行保密制度，控制审查工作事项知悉范围和时间，不准私自留存、 携带问题线索和涉案资料，严禁泄露审查工作情况。___

初步核实工作结束后，核查组应当撰写初核情况报告，列明被核查人的基本情况、反映的主要问题、办理依据及 ，由核查组全体人员签名备案。___

未经分管领导批准并办理相关手续，不得 。___

党员领导干部违反有关规定干预和插手市场经济活动，有下列行为之一，造成不良影响的，给予警告或者严重警告处分；情节较重的，给予撤销党内职务或者留党察看处分；情节严重的，给予开除党籍处分。___

派出巡视组的党组织可以根据工作需要，针对所辖地方、部门、企事业单位的 或者巡视整改情况，开展机动灵活的专项巡视。___

我国宪法的基本原则可以慨括为以下哪几个方面？___

党员依法受到刑事责任追究的，党组织应当根据司法机关的 及其认定的事实、性质和情节，依照《中国共产党纪律处分条例》规定给予党纪处分或者组织处理。___