是 ___

在客观规律面前，人的主观能动性表现在___

事物的联系和运动之间的关系___

唯物辩证法的总特征是___

___

“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___

唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___

区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___

质量互变规律揭示了___

质和事物的存在是___

在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___

现场使用防爆罐进行防护作业时，应将爆炸疑似物安全放入防爆罐罐体中，并迅速加盖盖子

邮件查验应当由2名及以上海关查验人员共同实施

进出境待验邮件应当存放于海关监管区内，未经海关许可，未办结海关手续的进出境邮件不得移出海关监管区，不得进行装卸、开拆、重换包装、更换标记、提取、派送和发运等作业

个人剂量计通常佩带在躯干的正前方（外照射来自前方），一般在左胸前

邮寄植物种子、种苗或其他繁殖材料入境，收件人应事先向海关申请办理检疫审批手续

禁止携带、邮寄进境的动植物、动植物产品和其他检疫物的名录，由地方农业行政主管部门制定并公布

以携带或邮寄方式进境的动植物、动植物产品和其他检疫物，经国家有关行政主管部门审批许可，并具有输出国家或地区官方机构出具的检疫证书，不受1712号公告名录限制

依法应实施检疫的进出境邮寄物，未经海关检疫，邮政企业不得运递

所有燕窝类产品均属于禁止邮寄的物品

活动物禁止邮寄进境，包括所有的哺乳动物、鸟类、鱼类、两栖类、爬行类、昆虫类和其他无脊椎动物，动物遗传物质

邮寄进境的动植物、动植物产品和其他检疫物，经检疫不合格又无有效方法作除害处理的，作退回或销毁处理，并签发《检疫处理通知单》交携带人、寄件人

所有的进境邮寄物在现场查验中未发现有害生物，就必须马上予以放行

依据《行政复议法》，收寄件人对海关行政行为提出行政复议的，应向对作出行政行为的海关上一级主管部门申请行政复议

菌种、毒种等动植物病原体禁止邮寄入境，但环保用的微生物菌剂不需要审批即可邮寄入境

《濒危野生动植物种国际贸易公约》禁止以商业贸易为目的进出口的濒危野生动植物及其产品，禁止进出口

邮寄珍贵文物出境，经国家主管部门批准并发给证明，海关准予放行

非法进口、出口或者以其他方式走私濒危野生动植物及其产品的，由海关依照海关法的有关规定予以处罚

列入禁止进境范围的所有物品，禁止出境

濒危植物限制进境，但其繁殖材料除外

大麻属于精神药品

未向海关申报邮寄文物出口，虽无藏匿情节，亦属走私行为

邮递现场没收的犀牛角和虎骨，海关应当作销毁处理

无线电收发信机不属于限制进境物品

人民币既属于限制进境物品，又属于限制出境物品

邮寄或携运出境无密级标志的文件、资料和其他物品，海关无权扣留

中国银行是黄金及黄金制品进出口主管部门，对黄金及黄金制品进出口实行准许证制度

邮寄单行本文学书籍20册入境，海关予以免税验放

海关对进出境印刷品及音像制品邮件进行监管时必须采取100%机检查验的方式，对全部邮件进行内容审查

散发性宗教类印刷品及音像制品，是指运输、携带、邮寄进境，不属于自用、合理数量范围并且具有明显传播特征，违反国家宗教事务法规及有关政策的印刷品及音像制品

按进境物品归类原则，美国苹果手表（AppleWatch）应归类在“07010210石英表（电子表）”项下

李某长期通过邮递渠道从韩国邮购化妆品，每次金额都在人民币1000元以内，进境后在网上销售。李某每次购进的化妆品可按个人物品申报进境

通关现场关员开具个人行邮税单，并向当事人收取应征税款，海关凭邮局加盖现金收讫章的行邮税单办理应税邮件放行手续

《中华人民共和国进境物品归类表》中，高档手表的完税价格是人民币10000元

通过邮递方式寄运的进出境货物类邮件，应当由收、发货单位或者他们的代理人,在设有海关的邮局向海关申报,并按照有关规定办理通关手续

对需征税个人邮递进境物品，关员依据实物情况，按照《中华人民共和国进出口税则》进行归类，确定适用的税率和完税价格计征进口税

对于实际购买价格是《中华人民共和国进境物品完税价格表》列明完税价格1/2以下的应税进境物品，海关可以另行确定完税价格

超出自用、合理数量范围内的亲友间相互馈赠物品，经三级审批后可按照个人物品类快件办理报关手续

对《进出境旅客行李物品和个人邮递物品完税价格表》中未列明的应税物品，可以总署审价办下发的《行邮物品完税价格资料库》参考价格或当事人提供的价格凭证作为完税价格

在海关行政处罚案件中，“物品价值”是指进出境物品的完税价格与进口税之和

便携式放射性检测仪在测量本底值的时候需要测量（）个点，再取平均值作为本底值。___