刷题
导入试题
【单选题】
唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___
A. 事物数量的增加
B. 事物根本性质的变化
C. 事物的一切运动变化
D. 新事物的产生和旧事物的灭亡
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答案
D
解析
暂无解析
相关试题
【单选题】
区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___
A. 是不是在新的历史条件下出现的
B. 是不是符合事物发展规律、有强大生命力
C. 是不是具有新形式和新特点
D. 是不是得到绝大多数人的承认
【单选题】
质量互变规律揭示了___
A. 事物发展的动力和源泉
B. 事物发展的状态和过程
C. 事物发展的方向和道路
D. 事物发展的两种趋势
【单选题】
质和事物的存在是___
A. 相互对立的
B. 相互包含的
C. 直接同一的
D. 相互转化的
【单选题】
在实际工作中,要注意掌握分寸,防止“过”或“不及”,其关键在于___
A. 抓住事物的主要矛盾
B. 确定事物的质
C. 认识事物的量
D. 把握事物的度
【单选题】
区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___
A. 事物的变化是否显著
B. 事物的变化是否迅速
C. 事物的某些属性是否发生了变化
D. 事物的变化是否超出度的范围
【单选题】
量变的复杂性是指___
A. 量变的程度发展不同
B. 量变形式的多样性和总的量变过程中有部分质变
C. 质变中有量的扩张
D. 量变有在度的范围内的变化和突破度的范围的变化
【单选题】
量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___
A. 事物内部各部分之间变化的不平衡性
B. 事物整体与某些构成部分之间变化的不平衡性
C. 事物与事物之间变化的不平衡性
D. 事物的本质属性与非本质属性之间变化的不平衡性
【单选题】
量变中的局部性部分质变是___
A. 事物的本质属性与非本质属性之间变化不平衡性的表现
B. 事物的各个部分之间变化不平衡性的表现
C. 事物的内部矛盾和外部条件变化不平衡性的表现
D. 事物的量和质变化不平衡性的表现
【单选题】
揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___
A. 对立统一规律
B. 质量互变规律
C. 否定之否定规律
D. 联系和发展规律
【单选题】
“肯定和否定相互渗透,在一定意义上,肯定就是否定。”这是一种___
A. 相对主义诡辩论的观点
B. 唯物辩证法的观点
C. 主观唯心主义的观点
D. 形而上学的观点
【单选题】
事物的否定方面是指___
A. 事物的积极方面
B. 事物的消极方面
C. 事物中维持其存在的方面
D. 事物中促使其灭亡的方面
【单选题】
作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___
A. 既保留又继承
B. 彻底抛弃
C. 既克服又保留
D. 矛盾的调和
【单选题】
辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___
A. 把旧事物完全抛弃
B. 使旧事物发生量变
C. 是新事物产生、旧事物灭亡
D. 是从外部强加给事物的
【单选题】
否定之否定规律___
A. 在事物完成一个发展周期时才能完整地表现出来
B. 在事物发展过程中任何一点上都可以表现出来
C. 在事物经过量变和质变两种状态后表现出来
D. 在事物发展过程中经过肯定和否定两个阶段表现出来
【单选题】
事物发展的周期性体现了___
A. 事物发展的直线性与曲折性的统一
B. 事物发展是一个不断地回到出发点的运动
C. 事物发展的周而复始的循环性
D. 事物发展的前进性和曲折性的统一
【单选题】
直线论的错误在于只看到___
A. 事物发展的周期性而否认了前进性
B. 事物发展的前进性而否认了曲折性
C. 事物发展的间接性而否认了连续性
D. 事物发展的曲折性而否认了周期性
【单选题】
循环论的错误在于___
A. 只看到事物发展的普遍性,没有看到事物发展过程的特殊性
B. 只看到事物的绝对运动,没有看到事物的相对静止
C. 只看到事物发展道路的曲折性,没有看到事物发展趋势的前进性
D. 只看到新旧事物之间的连续性,没有看到新旧事物之间的间断性
【单选题】
对立统一规律揭示了___
A. 事物发展的动力和源泉
B. 事物发展的状态和过程
C. 事物发展的方向和道路
D. 事物发展的两种趋向
【单选题】
唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___
A. 对立统一规律
B. 质量互变规律
C. 否定之否定规律
D. 联系和发展的规律
【单选题】
辩证法所说的矛盾是指___
A. 人们思维中的前后不一的自相矛盾
B. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的对立统一
C. 对立面之间的相互排斥
D. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的相互依赖
【单选题】
矛盾的基本属性是___
A. 普遍性和特殊性
B. 绝对性和相对性
C. 变动性和稳定性
D. 斗争性和同一性
【单选题】
依据是___
A. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性辩证关系的原理
B. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性辩证关系的原理
C. 事物发展的量变和质变辩证关系的原理
D. 事物发展的内因和外因辩证关系的原理
【单选题】
矛盾问题的精髓是___
A. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性关系的问题
B. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性关系的问题
C. 主要矛盾和次要矛盾关系的问题
D. 矛盾的主要方面和次要方面关系的问题
【单选题】
题的方法都是___
A. 重点论
B. 均衡论
C. 一点论
D. 两点论
【单选题】
“任何个别(无论怎样)都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___
A. 特殊性就是普遍性
B. 特殊性存在于普遍性之中
C. 普遍性是特殊性的总和
D. 特殊性中包含普遍性
【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
【单选题】
现代人才素质的灵魂是___。
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基础.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。
A. “多极化”
B. 单边主义
C. 两极格局形成
D. 一超独霸
【单选题】
在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可,统一存在的,其中处于主导地位的是___。
A. 德育
B. 智育
C. 体育
D. 美育
推荐试题
【单选题】
英雄史观的理论出发点是 ___
A. 人是社会运动的主体
B. 社会意识决定社会存在
C. 社会意识有能动的反作用
D. 社会运动是受偶然性支配的
【单选题】
英雄人物的活动是理解历史发展的基本线索,这种观点是 ___
A. 历史唯心主义
B. 唯物史观的观点
C. 历史主义的观点
D. 唯物史观和唯心史观都能接受的观点
【单选题】
人民群众创造历史的活动,首先是 ___
A. 政治活动
B. 科学活动
C. 生产活动
D. 艺术活动
【单选题】
我国实行的“依法治国”与“以德治国”相结合的方针,其哲学依据是 ( ) ___
A. 生产力是社会发展的最终决定力量原理
B. 生产关系一定要适合生产力发展状况规律
C. 上层建筑一定要适合经济基础发展状况规律
D. 阶级斗争是阶级社会发展的直接动力原理
【单选题】
下列各项承认人民群众是历史创造者的观点是 ___
A. 一切唯物主义者
B. 某些唯心主义者
C. 马克思主义者
D. 二元论者
【单选题】
人民群众对历史的创造作用总是受到社会历史条件的制约,其根本的条件是指 ___
A. 生产力和生产关系的状况
B. 人们头脑中的传统观念
C. 科学文化水平
D. 人们的生活水平
【单选题】
人民群众的活动受着历史条件的制约这一前提所引出的结论是 ___
A. 人民群众的创造力是有限的
B. 人民群众的创造力是无限的
C. 人民群众不能随心所欲地创造历史
D. 人民群众的创造力有时是有限的,有时是无限的
【单选题】
“英雄和人民群众共同创造历史”这个观点的实质是 ___
A. 历史唯物主义
B. 历史唯心主义
C. 历史主义
D. 自然主义
【单选题】
历史上杰出人物的产生是 ___
A. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性的统一
B. 理论活动和政治活动的统一
C. 必然性和偶然性的统一
D. 社会政治条件和思想条件的统一
【单选题】
“任何英雄人物的历史作用都不能超出他们所处历史条件所许可的范围”,这种看法是 ___
A. 宿命论观点
B. 机械论观点
C. 历史循环论观点
D. 历史唯物主义观点
【单选题】
坚持无产阶级政党的群众观点,就是坚信 ___
A. 群众的意见总是正确的
B. 群众都有高度的共产主义觉悟
C. 群众自己解放自己
D. 群众运动都是合理的
【单选题】
“科学技术是第一生产力”这是因为 ___
A. 它是构成生产力最重要的独立要素
B. 它是直接现实的生产力要素
C. 它能把生产力系统诸要素组合起来构成现实生产力
D. 它渗透于现代生产力系统各要素之中从而转化为现实的生产力
【单选题】
人类社会发展的基本动力是 ___
A. 阶级矛盾和阶级斗争
B. 社会基本矛盾
C. 社会革命和改革
D. 科学技术的发展和进步
【单选题】
人类社会历史发展的决定力量是 ___
A. 生产方式
B. 地理条件
C. 社会意识
D. 人口因素
【单选题】
社会意识相对独立性的最突出表现是它 ___
A. 同社会存在发展的不同步性
B. 具有历史的继承性
C. 对社会存在具有能动的反作用
D. 同社会经济的发展具有不平衡性
【单选题】
665、“手推磨产生的是封建主的社会,蒸汽磨产生的是工业资本家的社会”,这句话揭示了 ___
A. 生产工具是衡量生产方水平的重要尺度
B. 科学技术是第一生产力
C. 社会形态的更替有其一定的顺序性
D. 物质生产的发展需要建立相应的生产关系
【单选题】
人类社会发展的一般规律是 ___
A. 生产方式内部的矛盾规律
B. 生产力和生产关系、经济基础和上层建筑之间的矛盾运动规律
C. 社会存在和社会意识的矛盾规律
D. 物质生产和精神生产的矛盾规律
【单选题】
社会主义改革的根本目的在于 ___
A. 改变社会主义制度
B. 完善社会主义制度
C. 解放和发展生产力
D. 实现社会公平
【单选题】
“蒸汽、电力和自动纺织机甚至是比巴尔贝斯、拉斯拜尔和布朗基诸位公民更危险万分的革命家。”这一论断的含义是 ___
A. 科技革命是对统治阶级的极大威胁
B. 科技革命对变革社会制度具有直接的决定作用
C. 滥用科技革命的成果会对人类造成“危险”
D. 科技革命导致社会政治革命
【单选题】
人民群众既是历史的“剧中人”,又是历史的“剧作者”,这是 ___
A. 唯心主义的观点
B. 折中主义的观点
C. 历史唯物主义的观点
D. 历史循环论的观点
【单选题】
理解人类社会发展的钥匙是 ___
A. 阶级斗争史
B. 思想发展史
C. 劳动发展史
D. 文化发展史
【单选题】
人民群众是历史的创造者,其根本原因在于人民群众 ___
A. 占人口大多数
B. 是社会生产力的体现者
C. 具有先进思想
D. 掌握历史发展规律
【单选题】
“事实雄辩地证明,改革开放是决定当代中国命运的关键抉择,是发展中国特色社会主义、实现中华民族伟大复兴的必由之路;……只有改革开放才能发展中国、发展社会主义、发展马克思主义。”这表明 ___
A. 改革是社会主义社会发展的最终动力
B. 改革只是推动社会主义社会发展的重要动力
C. 改革对于社会主义社会的发展具有重要意义
D. 社会主义中国所取得的所有成就都归功于改革
【单选题】
党的十七大报告指出,“要坚持社会主义先进文化前进方向,兴起社会主义文化建设新高潮,激发全民族文化创造活力,提高国家文化软实力”,这是因为 ___
A. 社会意识同社会存在的发展具有不平衡性
B. 社会意识对社会存在具有能动的反作用
C. 社会意识对社会存在的能动作用都是通过文化体现出来的
D. 先进的社会意识就是先进文化
【单选题】
历史观的基本问题是 ___
A. 物质和精神的关系问题
B. 历史主体和历史客体的关系问题
C. 社会存在和社会意识的关系问题
D. 生产力和生产关岽的关系问题
【单选题】
社会存在和社会意识的关系问题是划分 ___
A. 唯物主义和唯心主义的标准
B. 历史唯物主义和历史唯心主义的标准
C. 可知论和不可知论的标准
D. 唯意志论和宿命论的标准
【单选题】
马克思主义哲学产生之前无论是唯物主义还是唯心主义其历史观都是唯心的,关键在于没有正确解决 ___
A. 历史的主体和历史的客体的关系问题
B. 生产力和生产关系的关系问题
C. 社会存在和社会意识的关系问题
D. 人民群众在历史上的作用问题
【单选题】
生产力范畴反映的是 ___
A. 人与社会之间的关系
B. 人与自然之间的关系
C. 人与劳动产品的关系
D. 人与劳动资料的关系
【单选题】
在劳动资料中最能标志生产力发展水平的因素是 ___
A. 劳动对象系统
B. 生产工具系统
C. 信息传递系统
D. 能源动力系统
【单选题】
自然科学属于生产力范畴,这是因为 ___
A. 它是对自然界的现象及其发展规律的正确认识
B. 它把生产力系统中的各要素组成统一的整体
C. 它渗透到生产力诸要素中并转化为现实的生产力
D. 它是构成现代生产力系统的最重要的独立因素
【单选题】
生产关系范畴反映的是 ___
A. 人与自然之间的关系
B. 人与人之间的政治关系
C. 人与人之间的经济关系
D. 人与人之间的思想关系
【单选题】
“社会形态的发展是一种自然历史过程”。这句话说的是 ___
A. 社会规律与自然规律完全相同
B. 社会规律是纯粹自发的过程
C. 社会发展不受人的思想动机的影响
D. 社会发展具有不依人的意志为转移的客观规律性
【单选题】
主体选择是指作为历史主体的人,从自身的需要和知识结构、经验、技能出发,根据历史的客观条件和发展趋势确定自己行为的方式和方向的行动。这种观点说明 ___
A. 承认主体选择作用必然否定历史决定论
B. 承认主体选择作用与承认历史决定论不矛盾
C. 任何一种社会制度的产生都根源于主体的选择
D. 历史决定论是根本错误的
【单选题】
历史唯物主义的决定论,是承认历史发展具有客观规律性、必然性和因果制约性的理论,它建立在唯物主义和辩证法基础之上,是能动的决定论。这说明历史唯物主义的决定论 ___
A. 排斥主体选择的作用
B. 是历史宿命论
C. 是旧唯物主义理论
D. 与承认主体选择的作用不矛盾
【单选题】
美国跨越了奴隶社会和封建社会,从原始社会直接过渡到资本主义社会;日耳曼人没有经过奴隶社会直接过渡到封建社会;中国一些少数民族由前资本主义社会直接过渡到社会主义社会。这些历史事实说明 ___
A. 五种社会形态划分的理论是错误的
B. 社会形态更替没有规律可以遵循
C. 它们违背历史发展的客观规律
D. 它们是以世界范围内五种社会形态依次更替为前提的
【单选题】
社会基本矛盾是 ___
A. 社会存在和社会意识之间的矛盾
B. 社会物质生产和精神生产之间的矛盾
C. 生产和消费的矛盾
D. 生产力和生产关系、经济基础和上层建筑的矛盾
【单选题】
推动人类社会由低到高级发展的最深刻的原因是 ___
A. 生产力的发展
B. 生产关系的变革
C. 上层建筑的变革
D. 社会形态的更替
【单选题】
人们借以进行生产的社会关系是随着 ___
A. 社会阶级关系的不断变化而变化的
B. 生产力的发展而变化的
C. 社会精神文明提高的程度而相应变化的
D. 产品分配关系的改革而变化的
【单选题】
在生产力和生产关系的矛盾运动中,生产关系是 ___
A. 相对稳定的因素
B. 最活跃、最革命的因素
C. 决定生产力性质的因素
D. 以生产力为物质基础的精神因素
【单选题】
所谓先进的生产关系能够促进生产力的发展是指 ___
A. 它内部的诸环节或方面相互联系、相互制约
B. 它决定生产力的性质和发展趋势
C. 它能为生产力的发展开辟门道路、扫清障碍、提供可能性
D. 它同生产力没有矛盾
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