在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___

大学生的成才目标是___。

现代人才素质的灵魂是___。

___是人才素质的基础.

世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。

在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可，统一存在的，其中处于主导地位的是___。

时代精神的内涵十分丰富，其中___居于核心地位。

民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。

下列名言反映中华民族是一个艰苦奋斗的民族的有___。

按照《银行业金融机构从业人员职业操守指引（修订）》规定，银行业金融机构应_______________反映银行业金融机构活动信息，拒绝作假。___

按照《银行业金融机构从业人员职业操守指引（修订）》规定，银行业金融机构从业人员应__________________

在某银行工作的员工甲在做某企业贷款调查时，偶然发现该企业存在商业欺诈的嫌疑后马上向领导报告。根据《银行业金融机构从业人员职业操守指引》，从业人员遇到下列哪些行为时应自觉抵制并举报 。___

在某银行工作的员工甲在与某上市企业打交道的过程中，偶然得知了与该企业股价走势密切相关的信息，由于有所顾忌，他并未直接购买该公司的股票，而是将得知的信息透露给了自己的朋友，使其获得了不菲的收益。根据《银行业金融机构从业人员职业操守指引》，下列银行业从业人员的行为是不正确的＿＿？___

在某外资银行的员工甲认为自己是外资银行的员工，只是在中国境内上班，不用完全遵守《银行业金融机构从业人员职业操守指引》，根据《银行业金融机构从业人员职业操守指引》，下列哪些人员为适用对象＿＿？___

依据《中国银监会办公厅关于严禁银行业金融机构及其从业人员参与民间融资活动的通知》的规定，下列情形哪些违反了银行业金融机构从业人员不得参与民间融资活动的规定_______。___

按照《银监会办公厅关于防范银行业金融机构员工参与地下钱庄非法活动的通知》规定，银行业金融机构要将地下钱庄非法活动排查工作纳入稽核检查的范围，可对_______________等客户信息进行数据筛选。___

按照《银监会办公厅关于防范银行业金融机构员工参与地下钱庄非法活动的通知》规定，在开展地下钱庄非法活动排查中，银行业金融机构要重点关注_______________的交易行为。___

按照《银监会办公厅关于防范银行业金融机构员工参与地下钱庄非法活动的通知》规定，银行业金融机构在开展反洗钱活动中，应__________________

按照《银监会办公厅关于防范银行业金融机构员工参与地下钱庄非法活动的通知》规定，银行业金融机构参与地下钱庄非法活动的，监管部门可依法采取_______________措施。___

依据《中国银监会办公厅关于防范银行业金融机构员工参与地下钱庄非法活动的通知》的规定，银行业金融机构对地下钱庄非法活动排查工作应特别注意以下哪些交易行为______。___

按照《关于进一步加强银行业务和员工行为管理的通知》规定，商业银行员工不得从事的行为有 。 ___

按照《关于进一步加强银行业务和员工行为管理的通知》规定，商业银行应当严格执行个人存款开户管理有关规定，认真审核客户、代理人有效身份证件和相关资料的 、 和 ，并按规定登记客户和代理人信息。___

按照《关于进一步加强银行业务和员工行为管理的通知》规定，商业银行为个人客户开通具有大额资金转账功能的网银业务，应与客户面签开通协议，提示客户妥善保管 和 。___

按照《关于进一步加强银行业务和员工行为管理的通知》规定，商业银行应与客户合理约定网银 和 上限，合规办理转帐业务。___

按照《关于进一步加强银行业务和员工行为管理的通知》规定，商业银行应当严格落实网银业务风险防控工作要求，对大额网上支付、转账等交易，应通过 、 等辅助控制及核实措施，确认客户交易信息。___

按照《关于进一步加强银行业务和员工行为管理的通知》规定，商业银行应当建立健全可疑交易预警机制，加大对无正常原因的 、 、 等可疑交易的监测力度。___

按照《关于进一步加强银行业务和员工行为管理的通知》规定，对于因 、 特殊原因无法办理须由客户本人亲自办理业务的特殊客户，商业银行应做好柜台延伸服务，必要时提供上门服务。 ___

按照《关于进一步加强银行业务和员工行为管理的通知》规定，商业银行应建立健全覆盖各类员工的全员管理制度，将银行员工 、 、 、不得在工商企业兼职作为内部管理制度的重要内容。 ___

按照《关于进一步加强银行业务和员工行为管理的通知》规定，对于消费异常、交友复杂或有不良嗜好的员工，应采取 、 、 等适当措施防患于未然。___

按照《关于进一步加强银行业务和员工行为管理的通知》规定，商业银行对本行员工账户的异常交易要进行监测，对于存在 、 或 异常情况的，要深入了解交易背景。___

按照《关于进一步加强银行业务和员工行为管理的通知》规定，商业银行对员工行为要强化突击检查，调查了解员工在其工作场所是否违规保管 等物品。 ___

近期银行业不断有内部员工利用职务便利、银行系统漏洞和管理缺位等问题，实施内外欺诈，使银行资产遭受损失。某商业银行汲取上述案件教训，完善内部管理制度，建立健全覆盖各类员工的全员管理制度，依据《中国银监会办公厅关于进一步加强银行业务和员工行为管理的通知》规定，应重点覆盖以下内容_______。___

按照《商业银行金融创新指引》规定，金融创新是指商业银行为适应经济发展的要求，通过_______，在战略决策、制度安排、机构设置、人员准备、管理模式、业务流程和金融产品等方面开展的各项新活动。___

按照《商业银行金融创新指引》规定，商业银行开展金融创新活动，应坚持_______的原则。___

按照《商业银行金融创新指引》规定，商业银行开展金融创新活动，应做到_______。___

依据《商业银行金融创新指引》的规定，某商业银行开展金融创新活动，要求员工及时向客户 进行信息披露，充分揭示与创新产品和服务有关的权利、义务和风险。___

按照《中国银监会关于深化小微企业金融服务的意见》规定，在推进资产证券化业务试点工作中，优先选择_______________的商业银行，进一步拓宽小微企业贷款的资金来源。___

按照《中国银监会关于深化小微企业金融服务的意见》规定，要引导商业银行根据自身实际，在_______________基础上，有序开展专项金融债的申报工作。___

按照《中国银监会关于深化小微企业金融服务的意见》规定，权重法下对符合_______________条件的小微企业贷款适用75%的风险权重，在内部评级法下比照零售贷款适用优惠的资本监管要求。___

按照《中国银监会关于深化小微企业金融服务的意见》规定，要督促商业银行完善小微企业信贷风险管理体系，加大资源配置和人员培训力度，提升小微企业信贷______________能力。___

按照《中国银监会关于深化小微企业金融服务的意见》规定，要积极配合有关部门进一步改善小微企业金融服务的外部生态环境。积极推动商业银行加强与地方相关部门的沟通协作，争取在______________等方面获得更大支持。___

为进一步拓展小微业务，营造良好银政关系，根据《中国银监会关于深化小微企业金融服务的意见》，达新银行可以在下列______方面加强与地方相关部门的沟通协作，争取支持。___

按照《中国银监会关于印发绿色信贷指引的通知》规定，银行业金融机构应当加强授信审批管理，根据客户面临的_______，确定合理的授信权限和审批流程。对环境和社会表现不合规的客户，应当不予授信。___

按照《中国银监会关于印发绿色信贷指引的通知》规定，银行业金融机构应当加强信贷资金拨付管理，将客户对环境和社会风险的管理状况作为决定信贷资金拨付的重要依据。在已授信项目的_______等各环节，均应当设置环境和社会风险评估关卡，对出现重大风险隐患的，可以中止直至终止信贷资金拨付。___

按照《中国银监会关于印发绿色信贷指引的通知》规定，银行业金融机构应当加强贷后管理，对有潜在重大环境和社会风险的客户，制定并实行有针对性的贷后管理措施。密切关注国家政策对客户经营状况的影响，加强动态分析，并在_______等方面及时做出调整。___

按照《中国银监会关于印发绿色信贷指引的通知》规定，银行业金融机构应当加强对拟授信的境外项目的环境和社会风险管理，确保项目发起人遵守项目所在国家或地区有关_______等相关法律法规。___

按照《中国银监会关于印发绿色信贷指引的通知》规定，银行业金融机构应当对拟授信客户进行严格的合规审查，针对不同行业的客户特点，制定环境和社会方面的_______，确保客户提交的文件和相关手续的合规性、有效性和完整性。___

按照《中国银监会办公厅关于规范同业代付业务管理的通知》规定，银行开展同业代付业务应当制定明确的管理办法，涵盖业务定义、管理要素、_______________等内容，并及时报送银监会备案。___

按照《中国银监会办公厅关于规范同业代付业务管理的通知》规定，以下说法正确的包括_______________。___