质和事物的存在是___

在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___

大学生的成才目标是___。

现代人才素质的灵魂是___。

___是人才素质的基础.

世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。

在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可，统一存在的，其中处于主导地位的是___。

时代精神的内涵十分丰富，其中___居于核心地位。

民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。

某商业银行分行的一名柜员替国外亲戚办理开户业务，业务经办人为本行其它支行的柜员。依据《中国银监会办公厅关于进一步加强银行业务和员工行为管理的通知》规定，禁止员工在本行的网点代理他人开户

某商业银行监察部近日发现某员工账户与银行某个人贷款客户账户资金往来异常，依据《中国银监会办公厅关于进一步加强银行业务和员工行为管理的通知》规定，监察部通过问卷调查、电话回访等方式向银行客户了解银行员工是否参与民间借贷

某商业银行近期出现客户因钓鱼网站上当受骗，导致账户资金损失的案件风险，为防范网络支付风险，依据《中国银监会办公厅关于进一步加强银行业务和员工行为管理的通知》规定，该商业银行可与客户协商约定网银单笔和单月累计转账上限，合规办理转账业务

按照《商业银行金融创新指引》规定，商业银行应优化内部组织结构和业务流程，形成前台营销服务职能完善、中台风险控制严密、后台保障支持有力的业务运行架构，建立适应金融创新的“部门银行”，实现前、中、后台的相互分离与有效的协调配合

按照《商业银行金融创新指引》规定，商业银行应能识别并妥善处理好金融创新引发的各类利益冲突，公平地处理客户与第三方服务提供者之间的利益冲突

按照《商业银行金融创新指引》规定，商业银行应严格界定和区分银行资产和客户资产，进行有效的风险隔离管理，对客户的资产进行充分保护

甲银行福州分行在某次检查中被发现存在违反《商业银行金融创新指引》的行为，福建银行业协会将根据有关法律法规予以处罚，并采取其他相应的监管措施

按照《中国银监会关于深化小微企业金融服务的意见》规定，银监会鼓励商业银行先行先试，创新小微企业金融产品和服务方式，提升小微企业金融服务的广度和深度

按照《中国银监会关于深化小微企业金融服务的意见》规定，积极引导商业银行在合理有效利用现有征信系统的基础上，加强其他相关信息资源的搜集，提高小微企业金融服务的质效

按照《中国银监会关于深化小微企业金融服务的意见》规定，在权重法下对符合“商业银行对单家企业（或企业集团）的风险暴露不超过500万元，且占本行信用风险暴露总额的比例不高于0.5%”条件的小微企业贷款适用50%的风险权重，在内部评级法下比照零售贷款适用优惠的资本监管要求

按照《中国银监会关于深化小微企业金融服务的意见》规定，小微企业金融服务专营机构可以为小微企业之外的其他企业提供相关服务，并严格遵循“四单原则”

按照《中国银监会关于深化小微企业金融服务的意见》规定，商业银行要根据小微企业不同发展阶段的金融需求特点，由单纯提供融资服务转向提供集融资、结算、理财、咨询等为一体的综合性金融服务

为提高小微企业金融服务中间业务收入，达信银行在发放贷款时要求企业主购买本行发行的理财计划。根据《中国银监会关于深化小微企业金融服务的意见》，该做法是否正确？

按照《中国银监会关于印发绿色信贷指引的通知》规定，银行业金融机构应当加强授信尽职调查，根据客户及其项目所处行业、区域特点，明确环境和社会风险尽职调查的内容，确保调查全面、深入、细致，但不得寻求独立的第三方和相关主管部门的支持

按照《中国银监会关于印发绿色信贷指引的通知》规定，银行业金融机构应当加强授信审批管理，根据客户面临的环境和社会风险的性质和严重程度，确定合理的授信权限和审批流程。对环境和社会表现不合规的客户，应当不予授信

按照《中国银监会关于印发绿色信贷指引的通知》规定，在客户发生重大环境和社会风险事件时，应当及时采取相关的风险处置措施，并就该事件可能对银行业金融机构造成的影响向监管机构报告

按照《中国银监会关于印发绿色信贷指引的通知》规定，银行业金融机构应当建立有效的绿色信贷考核评价体系和奖惩机制，落实激励约束措施，确保绿色信贷持续有效开展

按照《中国银监会关于印发绿色信贷指引的通知》规定，银行业金融机构应当对存在重大环境和社会风险的客户实行名单制管理

A银行在开展全面内控检查时，检查成员A提出应当将绿色信贷执行情况纳入内控合规检查范围。根据《中国银监会关于印发绿色信贷指引的通知》的规定，检查组长认为绿色信贷为政策性要求，因此无需开展绿色信贷检查

按照《中国银监会办公厅关于规范同业代付业务管理的通知》规定，境内同业代付和海外代付业务实质均属贸易融资方式

按照《中国银监会办公厅关于规范同业代付业务管理的通知》规定，当代付行为境内外银行同业机构时，委托行应当将委托同业代付的款项直接确认为向客户提供的贸易融资，并在表外进行相关会计处理与核算

按照《中国银监会办公厅关于规范同业代付业务管理的通知》规定，同业代付的委托行要真实委托代付行向借款人的交易对手代为支付款项，代付行应当将相应款项直接支付给符合合同约定用途的受益人账户

按照《中国银监会办公厅关于规范同业代付业务管理的通知》规定，按照“实质重于形式”的会计核算原则，委托行与代付行应当根据在该项业务中权利义务关系的实质进行会计核算

按照《中国银监会办公厅关于规范同业代付业务管理的通知》规定，当代付行为境内外银行同业机构时，代付行应当将代付款项直接确认为对委托行的拆出资金，并在表外进行相关会计处理与核算

某客户向甲银行申请办理保理业务，因甲银行的资金成本过高，其转而联系异地的乙银行，委托其代为向客户支付保理项下的款项，甲银行在客户款项回笼后向乙银行偿款并支付相对较低的利息和手续费。乙银行欣然接受委托，组织了资金拆给甲银行，并委托甲银行转付给客户。根据《中国银监会办公厅关于规范同业代付业务管理的通知》的规定，上述做法是正确的

按照《中国银监会关于进一步做好小微企业金融服务工作的指导意见》规定， 持续丰富和创新小微企业金融服务方式，要针对不同地域的小微企业，提供综合型金融服务

按照《中国银监会关于进一步做好小微企业金融服务工作的指导意见》规定，小微企业申贷获得率主要考察银行业金融机构对小微企业所有贷款需求的满足情况

按照《中国银监会关于进一步做好小微企业金融服务工作的指导意见》规定，银行业金融机构不得对任何小微企业贷款收取承诺费、资金管理费

按照《中国银监会关于进一步做好小微企业金融服务工作的指导意见》规定，银行业金融机构应根据自身的市场定位和发展战略，在风险可控的前提下，切实加大对小微企业的信贷资源投入和考核力度，力争实现“两个不低于”目标，即：小微企业贷款增速不低于各项贷款平均增速，增量不低于上年同期

按照《中国银监会关于进一步做好小微企业金融服务工作的指导意见》规定，小微企业贷款覆盖率和小微企业综合金融服务覆盖率主要考察小微企业从银行获得贷款及其它金融服务的比例

达新银行在设定年度贷款不良率控制目标时，对所有贷款设定了统一的不良率指标。根据《关于进一步做好小微企业金融服务工作的指导意见》，其下属小微企业专营中心可向总行申请将小微企业贷款不良率单列并提高不良率容忍度

达新银行年度小微企业贷款不良率高出所属监管机构辖内各项贷款不良率1.8个百分点，根据《关于进一步做好小微企业金融服务工作的指导意见》，该项指标将成为达新银行当年监管评级的扣分因素

根据《贷款通则》的规定，抵押贷款，系指按《中华人民共和国担保法》规定的保证方式以第三人承诺在借款人不能偿还贷款时，按约定承担一般保证责任或者连带责任而发放的贷款

根据《贷款通则》的规定，借款人在征得贷款人同意后，有权向第三人转让债务

根据《贷款通则》的规定，自营贷款和特定贷款，除按规定计收手续费之外，不得收取其他任何费用

根据《贷款通则》的规定，保证贷款应当由保证人与贷款人签订保证合同，或保证人在借款合同上载明与贷款人协商一致的保证条款，加盖保证人的法人公章，并由保证人的法定代表人或其授权代理人签署姓名

根据《贷款通则》的规定，一个借款人只能有一个贷款主办行，主办行应当随基本账户的变更而变更

根据《贷款通则》的规定，各级行政部门和事业单位、供销合作社等合作经济组织、农村合作基金会和其他基金会，经有关部门批准可以经营存贷款等金融业务

根据《贷款通则》的规定，对实行整体股份制改造的借款人，应当明确其所欠贷款债务由改造前公司全部承担

根据《贷款通则》的规定，贷款人应当按照中国人民银行规定的贷款利率的上限，确定每笔贷款利率，并在借款合同中载明