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【单选题】
“任何个别(无论怎样)都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___
A. 特殊性就是普遍性
B. 特殊性存在于普遍性之中
C. 普遍性是特殊性的总和
D. 特殊性中包含普遍性
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答案
D
解析
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相关试题
【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
【单选题】
现代人才素质的灵魂是___。
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基础.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。
A. “多极化”
B. 单边主义
C. 两极格局形成
D. 一超独霸
【单选题】
在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可,统一存在的,其中处于主导地位的是___。
A. 德育
B. 智育
C. 体育
D. 美育
【单选题】
时代精神的内涵十分丰富,其中___居于核心地位。
A. 艰苦奋斗
B. 自强不息
C. 团结统一
D. 改革创新
【单选题】
民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。
A. 爱国主义
B. 人道主义
C. 科学主义
D. 革命英雄主义
【单选题】
下列名言反映中华民族是一个艰苦奋斗的民族的有___。
A. 艰难困苦,玉汝于成
B. 先天下之忧而忧
C. 生于忧患,死于安乐
D. 民无信不立
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基本内容
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
10。___是我们立党立国的根本指导思想
A. 马克思主义
B. 社会主义荣辱观
C. 社会主义思想道德
D. 爱国主义11. 当代大学生的历史使命是(A)
【单选题】
衡量大学生全面发展的一个重要标准是___
A. 知识渊博
B. 品质高尚
C. 德才兼备
D. 知行统一
【单选题】
独立生活意识指___
A. 自己的事情自己处理不需要别人管
B. 自己想干什么就干什么
C. 树立自信、自律、自立、自强的精神
D. 天马行空独来独往
【单选题】
___作为社会主义核心价值体系的精髓,解决的是应当具备什么样的精神状态和精神风貌的问题。
A. 马克思主义的指导地位
B. 中国特色社会主义的共同理想
C. 民族精神和时代精神
D. 社会主义荣辱观
【单选题】
___是人才素质的综合体现.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
人们对生活在其中的世界及人与世界的关系的总的看法和根本观点就是___
A. 世界观
B. 人生观
C. 价值观
D. 历史观
【单选题】
人生观的核心是___
A. 人生意义
B. 人生目的
C. 人生态度
D. 人生价值
【单选题】
人的本质属性是___
A. 自然属性
B. 自私自利
C. 社会属性
D. 趋利避害
【单选题】
社会主义社会人生价值标准是___
A. 是否拥有金钱财富
B. 自我价值实现的程度
C. 宗教信仰是否虔诚
D. 是否为人民群众尽心尽力服务
【单选题】
回答人为什么活着___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
表明人应当怎样对待生活___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
判别什么样的人生才有意义___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 价值取向
【单选题】
下列人生态度中正确的是___
A. 认真务实
B. 看破红尘
C. 悲观消沉
D. 满足于现状
【单选题】
下列属于正确的人生目的的是___
A. 追求享乐
B. 为人民服务
C. 追求金钱
D. 追求个人利益
【单选题】
___认为,金钱可以主宰一切.
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___ 认为,社会和他人是达到个人目的的手段。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___认为,人生的全部内容就在于满足感官的需求与快乐。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
马克思对于人的本质的论断确立与___
A. 《关于费尔巴哈的提纲》
B. 《共产党宣言》
C. 《劳动在才从猿到人转变过程中的作用》D《论黑格尔哲学》
【单选题】
人与自然关系的实质是___
A. 人与人的关系,是社会关系
B. 人对于自然的利用和占有
C. 自然必须服务于人类社会的发展
D. 人与物的占有与被占有的关系
【单选题】
在社会交往和公共生活中公民应该遵守的道德准则是___
A. 职业道德
B. 道德
C. 社会公德
D. 家庭美德
【单选题】
社会公德最基本的要求是___
A. 文明礼貌
B. 遵纪守法
C. 保护环境
D. 助人为乐
推荐试题
【单选题】
以下哪个说法是错误的___
A. 贯通村庄的公路,按公路调查上图
B. 贯通村庄的铁路,按铁路调查上图
C. 贯通村庄的农村道路,按农村道路调查。
D. 贯通村庄的农村道路,按城镇村道路调查。
【单选题】
以下关于临时用地的说法,哪项是不正确的___?
A. 农用地上搭建简易工棚(钢架构蓝顶板皮房),按原地类调查,单独图层标注临时用地。
B. 农用地上搭建特别简易的木质棚,可以忽略不调查。
C. 废弃的公路搅拌站,未复耕复绿,按原地类调查,单独图层标注临时用地。
D. 修建公路推土,道路尚未形成,按原地类调查,单独图层标注临时用地。
【单选题】
已经取得建设用地批文,尚未建设的土地,现状为林地,按哪种地类调查___
A. 建设用地
B. 林地
C. 临时用地
【单选题】
基础数据库为设施农用地,由于污染问题和产业转型,现场均已拆除,尚未完全清除,有的只拆了部分建筑物体、有的硬化水泥地板未处理,这种现状可能长期维持不变,对于此类地块,按___地类认定
A. 设施农用地
B. 耕地
C. 空闲地
D. 临时用地
【单选题】
滩涂上实地为林地的,哪种调查是不允许的___
A. 原数据库为滩涂,调查为滩涂。
B. 原数据库为林地的,调查为滩涂。
C. 原数据库为滩涂,调查为林地。
D. 原数据库为河流的,调查为林地。
【单选题】
外业调查为推土的地块(不知道推土目的),认定成___地类
A. 建设用地
B. 临时用地
C. 裸土地
D. 按原地类认定
【单选题】
村头、田间水泥地面,农忙时为晒谷场,平时停车休息等用途,按___地类认定
A. 设施农用地
B. 建设用地
C. 空闲地
D. 按主要用途认定
【单选题】
坑塘(基础数据库为114),因周围树木遮盖,国家下发图斑判读为林地,地类调查如何认定___
A. 按坑塘调查,举证。
B. 按坑塘调查,不举证。
C. 按林地调查,举证。
D. 按林地调查,不举证。
【单选题】
调查内容与精度中,“建设用地和设施农用地实地面积超过200平方米的需调查上图;农用地(不含设施农用地)实地面积超过400平方米的需调查上图;其他地类实地面积超过600平方米的需调查上图”,对于山上的(远离城镇村)林地、荒草地来说,调查精度能否降低___
A. 能。
B. 不能。
【单选题】
永久基本农田内违法农民建房图斑,如何调查___
A. 调查为耕地,标注203属性。
B. 调查为0702,标注耕地属性。
C. 调查为0702,无需标注耕地属性。
【单选题】
耕地、仓储用地、宅基地及科教文卫用地等坐落在部队等权属范围内,以下那种说法是不正确的___
A. 军队范围内的用地,可由地方调查,军队配合。
B. 军事用地不作为单独地类调查,归并到特殊用地中。
C. 涉及军事用地的不需要举证。
D. 统一按建设用地调查,不需要打开细化。
【单选题】
关于线状地物图斑化的说法,以下哪项不正确___
A. 线状地物应依据国家下发遥感影像图,经实地调查后确定图斑(包括线状图斑)边界。
B. 国家下发遥感影像图不清晰时,可参考更高分辨率的遥感影像勾绘。
C. 对于宽度一致、位置未发生变化的线状地物,可以采用道路中心线缓冲区构面,但必须利用最新遥感影像或外业调查核实道路宽度,严格按照实际宽度构面并补充相关道路信息。
D. 对于宽度或位置等信息发生变化的,应根据外业调查结果和影像特征重新矢量化道路图斑。对于没贯通的且未硬化的农村道路,应单独调查,不能归并到相邻地类。
【单选题】
数据库建设应符合国家标准,关键的体现项不包括:___
A. 格式;
B. 标准;
C. 面积;
D. 效率。
【单选题】
土地调查数据库及专项调查数据库不包括:___
A. 土地利用现状;
B. 专项调查;
C. 基础地理;
D. 统计表格。
【单选题】
完整性及规范性检查不包括:___
A. 目录及规范性检查;
B. 成果完整性;
C. 数据有效性检查;
D. 包含全部图层。
【单选题】
所有图层的要素的标识码(BSM)不包括:___
A. 6位县级行政区划代码;
B. 3位乡镇代码;
C. 4位层代码;
D. 8位顺序号。
【单选题】
基本农田要素中包括以下图层:___
A. 基本农田保护区;
B. 基本农田保护片(块)图层;
C. 永久基本农田图斑;
D. 耕地图斑。
【单选题】
土地调查界线不包括:___
A. 国界线;
B. 零米线;
C. 各级行政区域界线;
D. 各级权属界线。
【单选题】
土地调查界线中各级行政区域界线不包括___。
A. 市界;
B. 县界;
C. 乡界;
D. 村界。
【单选题】
椭球面积计算精度与图斑节点密切相关,数据采集节点必须按照技术规程要求采集,线段长度不得大于___米。
A. 38;
B. 50;
C. 70;
D. 76。
【单选题】
关于县级辖区控制面积,以下描述错误的是:___
A. 包含陆地控制面积和岛屿控制面积;
B. 等于全县所有图斑面积之和;
C. 等于全县地类图斑层的图斑面积字段汇总值;
D. 包括飞入地面积。
【单选题】
关于陆地控制面积和岛屿控制面积,以下描述错误的是:___
A. 陆地控制面积应等于陆地村级单位控制面积之和;
B. 陆地控制面积应等于陆地地类图斑面积之和;
C. 岛屿控制面积应小于海岛村级单位控制面积之和;
D. 岛屿控制面积应等于岛屿地类图斑面积之和。
【单选题】
关于各级控制面积的关系,以下描述的是:___。
A. 县级控制面积等于各乡级单位控制面积汇总值;
B. 乡级控制面积等于各村级单位控制面积汇总值;
C. 村级控制面积等于各组级单位控制面积汇总值;
D. 基础统计表县、乡、村各级地类汇总面积与对应的各级控制面积应完全一致。
【单选题】
关于飞地统计,以下描述错误的是:___
A. 村级只统计外村到本村的;
B. 乡级只统计外乡到本乡;
C. 县级只统计外县到本县;
D. 各级之间逐级汇总求和。
【单选题】
采矿用地(204)统计条件是基础统计表中的城镇村标识(CZCBS)内容填写为“204”,进行地类的统计,不包括___。
A. 0602;
B. 0603;
C. 09;
D. 1201。
【单选题】
矢量数据库拓扑检查不包括:___。
A. 宗地(ZD)层要素的是否被地类图斑(DLTB)层要素边界覆盖;
B. 宗地(ZD)层要素的是否被城镇村等用地(CZCFW)层要素边界覆盖;
C. 城镇村等用地(CZCFW)层要素的边界是否被地类图斑(DLTB)层要素边界覆盖;
D. 城镇村等用地(CZCFW)层单个要素必须被行政区(XZQ)层单个要素覆盖的检查。
【单选题】
地类图斑层以下哪些地类编码的要素___不需要填写城镇村属性码。
A. 06;
B. 0702;
C. 09;
D. 1003。
【单选题】
地类图斑层以下哪些地类编码的要素___的城镇村属性码不可能是204。
A. 0601;
B. 0602;
C. 0603;
D. 1201。
【单选题】
地类图斑层以下哪些地类编码的要素___的城镇村属性码是205。
A. 06;
B. 07;
C. 08;
D. 09。
【单选题】
土地权属要素不包括___图层。
A. 行政区;
B. 宗地;
C. 界址线;
D. 界址点。
【单选题】
独立要素不包括___图层。
A. 开发园区;
B. 自然保护区;
C. 风景名胜区;
D. 饮用水水源地。
【单选题】
城镇村等用地(CZDYD)图层属性城镇村等用地类型(CZCLX)不包括___。
A. 201A;
B. 202A;
C. 203A;
D. 204A。
【单选题】
以下哪些线状地物不需要填写“线性图斑宽度”。___
A. 沟渠;
B. 公路;
C. 林带;
D. 堤坝。
【单选题】
等高线(DGX)图层属性等高线类型(DGXLX)不包括___。
A. 首曲线;
B. 计曲线;
C. 间曲线;
D. 助曲线。
【单选题】
以下哪个坡度级别是错误的。___
A. 1;
B. 3;
C. 5;
D. 7。
【单选题】
权属性质代码中不属于集体性质的为___。
A. 20;
B. 30;
C. 34;
D. 40。
【单选题】
耕地图斑细化类型不包括___。
A. 牧区耕地;
B. 草原耕地;
C. 林区耕地;
D. 湖区耕地。
【单选题】
工业用地图斑细化类型不包括___。
A. 火电工业用地;
B. 水电工业用地;
C. 钢铁工业用地;
D. 煤矿工业用地。
【单选题】
永久基本农田图斑范围内的耕地地类图斑,可能标注___
A. 林区园地;
B. 草原耕地;
C. 绿化草地;
D. 河道耕地
【单选题】
耕地种植属性不包括___
A. 林木;
B. 休耕;
C. 园木;
D. 草本。
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