相关试题
【单选题】
唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___
A. 事物数量的增加
B. 事物根本性质的变化
C. 事物的一切运动变化
D. 新事物的产生和旧事物的灭亡
【单选题】
区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___
A. 是不是在新的历史条件下出现的
B. 是不是符合事物发展规律、有强大生命力
C. 是不是具有新形式和新特点
D. 是不是得到绝大多数人的承认
【单选题】
质量互变规律揭示了___
A. 事物发展的动力和源泉
B. 事物发展的状态和过程
C. 事物发展的方向和道路
D. 事物发展的两种趋势
【单选题】
质和事物的存在是___
A. 相互对立的
B. 相互包含的
C. 直接同一的
D. 相互转化的
【单选题】
在实际工作中,要注意掌握分寸,防止“过”或“不及”,其关键在于___
A. 抓住事物的主要矛盾
B. 确定事物的质
C. 认识事物的量
D. 把握事物的度
【单选题】
区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___
A. 事物的变化是否显著
B. 事物的变化是否迅速
C. 事物的某些属性是否发生了变化
D. 事物的变化是否超出度的范围
【单选题】
量变的复杂性是指___
A. 量变的程度发展不同
B. 量变形式的多样性和总的量变过程中有部分质变
C. 质变中有量的扩张
D. 量变有在度的范围内的变化和突破度的范围的变化
【单选题】
量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___
A. 事物内部各部分之间变化的不平衡性
B. 事物整体与某些构成部分之间变化的不平衡性
C. 事物与事物之间变化的不平衡性
D. 事物的本质属性与非本质属性之间变化的不平衡性
【单选题】
量变中的局部性部分质变是___
A. 事物的本质属性与非本质属性之间变化不平衡性的表现
B. 事物的各个部分之间变化不平衡性的表现
C. 事物的内部矛盾和外部条件变化不平衡性的表现
D. 事物的量和质变化不平衡性的表现
【单选题】
揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___
A. 对立统一规律
B. 质量互变规律
C. 否定之否定规律
D. 联系和发展规律
【单选题】
“肯定和否定相互渗透,在一定意义上,肯定就是否定。”这是一种___
A. 相对主义诡辩论的观点
B. 唯物辩证法的观点
C. 主观唯心主义的观点
D. 形而上学的观点
【单选题】
事物的否定方面是指___
A. 事物的积极方面
B. 事物的消极方面
C. 事物中维持其存在的方面
D. 事物中促使其灭亡的方面
【单选题】
作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___
A. 既保留又继承
B. 彻底抛弃
C. 既克服又保留
D. 矛盾的调和
【单选题】
辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___
A. 把旧事物完全抛弃
B. 使旧事物发生量变
C. 是新事物产生、旧事物灭亡
D. 是从外部强加给事物的
【单选题】
否定之否定规律___
A. 在事物完成一个发展周期时才能完整地表现出来
B. 在事物发展过程中任何一点上都可以表现出来
C. 在事物经过量变和质变两种状态后表现出来
D. 在事物发展过程中经过肯定和否定两个阶段表现出来
【单选题】
事物发展的周期性体现了___
A. 事物发展的直线性与曲折性的统一
B. 事物发展是一个不断地回到出发点的运动
C. 事物发展的周而复始的循环性
D. 事物发展的前进性和曲折性的统一
【单选题】
直线论的错误在于只看到___
A. 事物发展的周期性而否认了前进性
B. 事物发展的前进性而否认了曲折性
C. 事物发展的间接性而否认了连续性
D. 事物发展的曲折性而否认了周期性
【单选题】
循环论的错误在于___
A. 只看到事物发展的普遍性,没有看到事物发展过程的特殊性
B. 只看到事物的绝对运动,没有看到事物的相对静止
C. 只看到事物发展道路的曲折性,没有看到事物发展趋势的前进性
D. 只看到新旧事物之间的连续性,没有看到新旧事物之间的间断性
【单选题】
对立统一规律揭示了___
A. 事物发展的动力和源泉
B. 事物发展的状态和过程
C. 事物发展的方向和道路
D. 事物发展的两种趋向
【单选题】
唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___
A. 对立统一规律
B. 质量互变规律
C. 否定之否定规律
D. 联系和发展的规律
【单选题】
辩证法所说的矛盾是指___
A. 人们思维中的前后不一的自相矛盾
B. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的对立统一
C. 对立面之间的相互排斥
D. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的相互依赖
【单选题】
矛盾的基本属性是___
A. 普遍性和特殊性
B. 绝对性和相对性
C. 变动性和稳定性
D. 斗争性和同一性
【单选题】
依据是___
A. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性辩证关系的原理
B. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性辩证关系的原理
C. 事物发展的量变和质变辩证关系的原理
D. 事物发展的内因和外因辩证关系的原理
【单选题】
矛盾问题的精髓是___
A. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性关系的问题
B. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性关系的问题
C. 主要矛盾和次要矛盾关系的问题
D. 矛盾的主要方面和次要方面关系的问题
【单选题】
题的方法都是___
A. 重点论
B. 均衡论
C. 一点论
D. 两点论
【单选题】
“任何个别(无论怎样)都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___
A. 特殊性就是普遍性
B. 特殊性存在于普遍性之中
C. 普遍性是特殊性的总和
D. 特殊性中包含普遍性
【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
【单选题】
世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。
A. “多极化”
B. 单边主义
C. 两极格局形成
D. 一超独霸
推荐试题
【单选题】
马克思说,“在科学上没有平坦的大道,只有不畏劳苦沿着陡峭山路攀登的人,才有希望到达光辉的顶点。”与该论断所揭示的哲理相一致的是。___
A. 心想事成
B. 成事在天
C. 坚持就是胜利
D. 无限风光在险峰
【单选题】
学习、贯彻和运用马克思主义原理、毛泽东思想和中国特色社会主义理论,能够推动中国社会主义现代化建设事业顺利发展。支撑该命题的理论依据是。___
A. 认识对实践有指导作用
B. 实践决定认识
C. 认识能够检验实践
D. 实践能够检验认识
【单选题】
列宁说:“以为诗人才需要想象,这是没有道理的,这是愚蠢的偏见!甚至在数学上也需要想象,甚至微积分的发现没有想象也是不可以的。”该论断所揭示的是。___
A. 感性认识的作用
B. 理性认识的作用
C. 理性因素的作用
D. 非理性因素的作用
【单选题】
在认识的本质问题上,存在着两条根本对立的认识路线:一条是坚持从物到感觉、思想的唯物主义路线,另一条是坚持从思想、感觉到物的唯心主义路线。所以唯物主义、唯心主义在认识论上的分歧具体表现为。___
A. 宿命论和唯意志论的对立
B. 反映论和先验论的对立
C. 经验论和唯理论的对立
D. 绝对主义和相对主义的对立
【单选题】
“熟知不等于真知”所揭示的是。___
A. 感性认识具有直接性
B. 感性认识具有具体性
C. 感性认识贴近现实
D. 感性认识具有局限性
【单选题】
恩格斯指出:“人的思维的最本质和最切近的基础,正是人所引起的自然界的变化,而不单独是自然界本身。”这里的“基础”指的是。___
【单选题】
对不可知论最有力的驳斥是。___
A. 科学家的驳斥
B. 实践的发展
C. 唯物主义在斗争中不断战胜唯心主义
D. 不可知论内在的矛盾
【单选题】
恩格斯说:“人的智力是按照人如何学会改变自然界而发展的。”这表明人的才智。___
A. 与人的先天生理素质没有关联
B. 主要来源于后天的实践
C. 发展的动力在于实践
D. 是由人的社会政治地位决定的
【单选题】
列宁说:“没有革命的理论,就没有革命的行动。”这一命题的含义是。___
A. 革命理论是革命行动的动力
B. 革命行动是革命理论的派生物
C. 革命理论对革命实践具有科学指导作用
D. 革命理论最终决定革命运动的成败
【单选题】
“人的感官是人认识外界事物的不可逾越的天然界限”,这种观点属于。___
A. 不可知论
B. 先验论
C. 辩证反映论
D. 辩证唯物论
【单选题】
伽利略一次比萨斜塔实验就推翻了统治思想界达2000年之久的亚里士多德的错误说法。这主要是因为实践具有。___
A. 直接现实性
B. 普遍性
C. 能动目的性
D. 社会历史性
【单选题】
马克思主义的真理观既是唯物的,又是辩证的。真理观的辩证法表现在。___
A. 承认客观真理和主观真理的统一
B. 承认绝对真理和相对真理的统一
C. 承认具体真理和抽象真理的统一
D. 承认终极真理和永恒真理的统一
【单选题】
实用主义鼓吹“有用就是真理”,把“有用”与“真理”完全等同起来,从根本上否定了真理的。___
A. 客观性
B. 相对性
C. 价值性
D. 具体性
【单选题】
在认识的本质问题上,17世纪牛顿提出“粒子说”,17世纪末惠根斯提出“波动说”,两种学说在科学史上争论了几个世纪。直到1922年,爱因斯坦把两者统一起来,建立“波粒二象性”的学说,这个矛盾才得以解决。这一历史事件所包含的哲理是。___
A. 认识经历着从感性认识到理性认识的发展
B. 认识的根本任务是从感性认识上升到理性认识
C. 改造世界比认识世界更重要
D. 认识是无限发展的过程
【单选题】
“真理和谬误的对立,只是在非常有限的范围内才有意义”是。___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 唯物辩证法的观点
C. 诡辩论的观点
D. 怀疑主义的观点
【单选题】
价值评价的对象本质上是。___
A. 价值主体的主观需要
B. 价值客体的属性和功能
C. 主体和客体之间的价值关系
D. 主体和客体之间的事实关系
【单选题】
古希腊哲学家说:“没有理性,眼睛是最坏的见证人。”对这句话分析正确的是。___
A. 揭示了感性认识是整个认识过程的起点
B. 揭示了感性认识和理性认识的辩证统一
C. 认为理性认识可以脱离感性认识而存在,悬错误的观点
D. 强调理性认识的重要作用,完全否认了感性认识的作用
【单选题】
“路遥知马力,日久见人心”所蕴含的哲理是。___
A. 感性认识高于理性认识
B. 经验是判断是非的标准
C. 时间是检验是非的标准
D. 实践是检验认识真理性的标准
【单选题】
“知识就是力量”,对这一命题理解正确的是。___
A. 真理和价值是统一的
B. 知识是社会发展的根本动力
C. 知识精英是历史的创造者
D. 知识决定社会形态的更替
【单选题】
主体和客体相互作用的实质是。___
A. 手段与目的的关系
B. 限定与超越的关系
C. 物质与精神的关系
D. 人与物的关系
【单选题】
实践“这个标准也是这样的不确定,以便不至于使人的知识变成绝对同时它又是这样的确定,以便同唯心主义和不可知论的一切变种进行无情的斗争。”这句话说明。___
A. 实践标准并不可靠
B. 实践不是检验真理的唯一标准
C. 实践标准是不确定的
D. 实践标准是绝对性和相对性的统一
【单选题】
“人对一定问题的判断越是自由,这个判断的内容所具有的必然性就越大”,与这句话最相符合的是。___
A. 包含必然性越大的判断,就越是自由的判断
B. 没有超时间、超历史的绝对的自由
C. 自由是必然的根据
D. 必然是自由的限度
【单选题】
“世界不会满足人,人决心以自己的行动来改变世界。”这句话体现的是实践基本特征中的。___
A. 自觉能动性
B. 物质性
C. 客观性
D. 社会历史性
【单选题】
物品种难以计数,而人们首先研究的还是与农业和畜牧业有关的为数不多的植物和动物。这说明。___
A. 实践是认识的起点,认识是实践的归宿
B. 实践的需要推动着认识的发展
C. 实践为认识的发展提供了手段和条件
D. 科学研究具有相对独立性
【单选题】
辩证唯物主义认为,认识的本质是。___
A. 主体对各种认识要素的建构
B. 主体在实践基础上对客体的能动反映
C. 主体对客体本质的内省
D. 主体对客体信息的选择
【单选题】
理性认识是认识的高级阶段,下列不属于理性认识的是。___
【单选题】
才能获得第一手材料,获得感性认识。感性认识的特点在于。___
A. 直接性和具体性
B. 间接性
C. 抽象性
D. 全面性和真实性
【单选题】
理论”蕴含的哲理是。___
A. 感性中渗透着理性的因素
B. 理性中渗透着感性的因素
C. 意识具有控制人的生理活动的作用
D. 实践是检验真理的唯一标准
【单选题】
理性认识的区别在于。___
A. 感性认识反映事物的现象,理性认识反映事物的本质
B. 感性认识来源于社会实践,理性认识来源于抽象思维
C. 感性认识来源于感性具体,理性认识来源于理性具体
D. 感性认识包含错误,理性认识则完全正确
【单选题】
实现从理性认识到实践的飞跃、变理论为现实,必须具备一定的条件,其中决定性的环节是。___
A. 坚持理论和实践相结合的原则
B. 在观念中建构起实践改造所应达到的理想客体
C. 寻求实现理想客体的具体途径和工作方法
D. 把理论内化为群众的自觉行动
【单选题】
法准确预测地谋的发生。这说明。___
A. 人的感官的局限性构成了人的认识能力的局限性
B. 人们只能认识个别的、有限的东西
C. 认识总是要受到主客观条件的限制
D. 人类无法充分认识客观世界
【单选题】
改变。这说明。___
A. 对于一个特定的认识客体而言,不同的阶级、民族可以有不同的真理
B. 真理形式的多样性并不否认真理内容的客观性
C. 真理本身就是客观事物
D. 真理是相对的
【单选题】
验可能成为发现的开端是因为。___
A. 成功是普遍的,失败是个别的
B. 真理和谬误没有原则的界限
C. 成功和失败在一定条件下可以相互转化
D. 意识能动性的实现可以超越时代实践水平的限制
【单选题】
实践之所以成为检验真理的唯一标准,是由。___
A. 真理的主观性和实践的客观性所要求的
B. 真理的相对性和实践的绝对性所预设的
C. 真理的属性和实践的功能所规定的
D. 真理的本性和实践的特点所决定的
【单选题】
实践作为检验真理的标准,既是确定的又是不确定的,其不确定性是因为。___
A. 有些真理是根本无法通过实践来加以检验的
B. 任何实践检验都需要一定的逻辑证明作为其补充的手段
C. 作为检验真理标准的社会的实践总要受到历史条件的限制
D. 不同的人、不同的阶级各有其不同的实践标准
【单选题】
一种认识是不是真理,要看它。___
A. 能否满足人的需要
B. 能否付诸实践
C. 能否被多数人认可
D. 能否在实践中最终取得预期的效果
【单选题】
真理的相对性应理解为。___
A. 真理与谬误之间没有确定的界限
B. 对同一对象不同的乃至对立的认识都是真理
C. 真理的标准是多重的
D. 真理有待扩展和深化
【单选题】
真理和谬误的根本区别在于。___
A. 真理是主体对客体的反映,谬误是主体自生的
B. 真理是有用的,谬误是有害的
C. 真理是绝对的,谬误是相对的
D. 真理是对事物的正确反映,谬误是对事物的歪曲反映
【单选题】
人的意识不仅反映客观世界,并且创造客观世界。这一命题表明意识对物质具有。___
A. 决定性
B. 预见性
C. 能动性
D. 主动性
【单选题】
“在观察事物之际,机遇偏爱有准备的头脑”,从哲学上讲,这句话强调。___
A. 人们对每一件事物都要细心观察
B. 人们在认识事物时要有理性的指导
C. 人们获得感性经验的重要性
D. 人们要充分发挥主观能动性