质量互变规律揭示了___

质和事物的存在是___

在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___

大学生的成才目标是___。

现代人才素质的灵魂是___。

___是人才素质的基础.

世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。

在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可，统一存在的，其中处于主导地位的是___。

时代精神的内涵十分丰富，其中___居于核心地位。

CCC132.项目经理希望从最近完成的一个项目中复制良好实践。然而，项目经理在有时间评估最近完成项目的项目信息之前就已经开始负责管理另一个项目。项目经理应该怎么做？___

CCC133.在项目章程获得批准实施新的会计制度之后，项目经理试图了解会计部门的结构和流程。项目经理下一步应该创建什么？___

CCC134.在核实可交付成果期间，项目经理识别到不同影响级别的多个质量问题。项目经理应该使用什么基本质量工具来对这些问题进行优先级排序？___

CCC135.要求在某个特定日期提供某个产品。项目经理测量了项目绩效，并意识到关键路径活动没有实现预期进展，因此，进度计划将被延迟。项目经理应该怎么做？___

CCC136.项目团队发现新监管法律可能对项目产生重大影响的风险。发起人要求项目经理进行进一步分析，以确定可能因此而发生的财务损失。项目经理应执行哪一项？___

CCC137.由于紧急情况，一位分配到具有两天总浮动时间活动的团队成员从项目上离开，这可能会影响活动和整个项目。项目团队目前已经难以实现下一个里程碑。将该问题添加到问题日志后，项目经理下一步应该做什么？___

CCC138.在项目中途，一个挑剔的客户要求提供定期报告，包含比沟通管理计划中批准的更详细的信息。这项请求将导致生产成本超出预算，项目经理不能承受让这个客户生气的后果，但客户又拒绝见面讨论此事。项目经理应该怎么做？___

CCC139.与供应商签订合同，开发一个对公司整体市场份额至关重要的软件包。在交付软件后，一位相关方通知项目经理需求未得到满足。若要避免这个问题，项目经理应该事先做什么？___

CCC140.自项目开始以来，一些关键相关方因各种原因被替换，而又没有与项目团队适当地沟通这种情况，导致了项目团队产生挫败感，并将很快影响到项目结果。若要改善这种情况，项目经理应该怎么做？___

CCC141.在预算批准过程中，项目经理进行了一些初步估算，包括范围和潜在的风险储备。在提交预算以供批准后，要求项目经理提交更准确的预算。项目经理下一步应该怎么做？___

CCC142.在项目执行期间，项目经理发现由于团队成员在可交付成果交付到期日之前休假而导致延期。为避免这个问题，应事先更新下列哪一项？___

CCC143.在创建质量管理计划时，项目经理确定预防和质量评估的成本非常髙，然而，增加预算不会减少公司未来的故障维修费用。项目经理应该怎么做？___

CCC144.一个项目刚刚完成启动阶段，项目经理正在开始该项目的需求收集过程。相关方都位于同一地点，但来自优先级有冲突的不同部门。之前的项目经理经常被要求在执行阶段包含新的范围，导致项目预算的计划外增加并延长商定的进度计划。在满足所有相关方需求的同时，项目经理应该如何及时收集需求？___

CCC145.在趋势分析过程中，项目经理得出结论，项目绩效已经恶化。这个结论是基于什么信息得出的？___

CCC146.在项目执行阶段，项目经理识别到一位具有高度影响力的新相关方。项目经理应更新哪一项内容？___

CCC147.一个项目即将完成，髙级管理层要求项目经理开始收尾过程，即使该项目还有许多待完成的可交付成果。项目经理应该使用什么来决定是否继续收尾？___

CCC148.一个搜索引擎优化(SEO)项目的项目经理向关键相关方演示项目管理计划。在演示完成后，项目经理收到的问题表明，一些项目相关方未能完全理解所讨论的一些信息。项目经理应该怎么做？___

CCC149.项目进入三个月后，项目发起人通过电子邮件了解到该项目落后于进度并超出预算。若要避免这个问题，项目经理应该事先做什么？___

CCC150.客户联系一名高级团队成员请求变更，该团队成员忽略变更管理过程并开始执行变更。另一名团队成员通知项目经理，因为他们担心对预算和进度有影响。项目经理下一步应该怎么做？___

CCC151.一项任务花费的时间比预期长，经审查，项目经理确定所分配的人员不具备必要的技能。若要将项目任务拉回正轨，项目经理应该怎么做？___

CCC152.在项目执行中途，公司希望重新安排一名重要资源，项目经理应该怎么做？___

CCC153.一个数据项目中心项目发起人识别到一个通过升级设备技术降低运营成本的机会，这项升级将使项目成本增加12%。该发起人提交了变更请求并遵循变更管理计划，而且变更控制委员会(CCB)批准了该变更。但是在更新记录计划时，公司首席财务官要求项目经理放弃这项变更。项目经理下一步应该怎么做？___

CCC154.项目经理希望为一个新项目进行风险评估。项目经理应该如何收集所有相关信息？___

CCC155.项目经理正在为刚刚进入第三次迭代的项目使用混合方法。完工预算(BAC)为500,000美元，已经完成100个故事点中的50个，每个故事点价值5,000美元，项目实际成本(AC)为400,000美元。管理层要求在下一次指导委员会会议上提交成本状态报告。项目经理应该使用什么来提交该报告？___

CCC156.一位关键团队成员犯了一个严重错误，将导致项目严重延迟。按照相关方参与计划，项目经理与相关方开会讨论此问题。在会议上，项目经理应该提供什么信息？___

CCC157.在执行挣值分析(EVA)时，项目经理注意到成本绩效指数(CPI)与预期不符。项目经理进行了调査，但无法找到项目中所使用产品的采购订单或收据。应该使用下列哪一项来防止这种情况发生？___

CCC158.项目发起人指示项目经理快速跟进项目，比进度计划提前三周完成。在进度压缩之后，项目经理发现可交付成果中因此增加了重大风险。项目经理首先应该怎么做？___

CCC159.一位团队成员注意到多个风险均已过期，该团队成员询问项目经理如何处理这些风险。项目经理应该建议该团队成员做什么？___

CCC160.开发团队完成了一个最先进的软件项目，并计划启动收尾阶段。但是，由于不符合约定可交付成果，一位关键相关方拒绝签字。若要促进验收，项目经理应该怎么做？___

CCC161.在敏捷项目部署期间，客户对可交付成果不满意并要求进行变更。敏捷项目经理下一步应该怎么做？___

CCC162.一个创新项目已经获得项目发起人的批准，在一次关键项目相关方会议期间，会计主管指出，该项目与会计部门以及整个组织无关。项目主管应该怎么做？___

CCC163.项目管理办公室(PMO)对一个项目进行审计，并识别了几个改进项目管理方法的问题和机会，项目经理在项目快结束时收到这次审计结果。项目经理应如何处理这项信息？___

CCC164.在风险审査会议期间，团队识别到一个风险。项目经理无法确定内部管理风险的方法，因为这是另外一个项目团队的领域。项目经理下一步应该怎么做？___

CCC165.项目团队主要有髙级软件开发人员组成。其中几名髙级开发人员告知项目经理，初级开发人员通过电子邮件向他们发送技术问题，而这些技术问题最好当面解决。当项目经理询问初级开发人员时，他们解释说书面答复更有帮助，而且更节约时间。项目经理应该怎么做？___

CCC166.在错过第二个项目里程碑后，项目经理进行了调查以确定原因。结果显示任务分布不均，大部分工作量由一个小组执行，主要是因为他们经验丰富且熟悉流程。若要解决这个问题，项目经理首先应该做什么？___

CCC167.一个项目刚刚完成，所有相关方都很满意，所有未解决问题均已关闭，且客户己批准结果。项目经理下一步应该怎么做？___

CCC168.项目经理正在考虑如何最好地处理制造过程所产生的废弃物。这些废弃物可以帮助生产绿色能源，项目经理请求项目发起人允许将废弃物出售给当地供应商。这获得批准并为企业产生收入。项目经理使用的是哪一项风险策略？___

CCC169.项目经理加入位于两个国家的矩阵项目团队中，而这两个国家具有重大的文化差异。项目经理应该做些什么来启动项目？___

CCC170.在项目执行期间，相关方希望添加一个新的产品功能。项目经理应该怎么做才能添加这个功能？___

CCC171.一家公司必须实施一项产品来解决监管问题。项目经理必须让来自几个国家的不同团队参与进来，并使他们与承诺的里程碑保持一致。项目发起人要求项目经理在本周创建并分发项目进度计划。项目经理应该怎么做？___