【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
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【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
【单选题】
世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。
A. “多极化”
B. 单边主义
C. 两极格局形成
D. 一超独霸
【单选题】
在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可,统一存在的,其中处于主导地位的是___。
【单选题】
时代精神的内涵十分丰富,其中___居于核心地位。
A. 艰苦奋斗
B. 自强不息
C. 团结统一
D. 改革创新
【单选题】
民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。
A. 爱国主义
B. 人道主义
C. 科学主义
D. 革命英雄主义
【单选题】
下列名言反映中华民族是一个艰苦奋斗的民族的有___。
A. 艰难困苦,玉汝于成
B. 先天下之忧而忧
C. 生于忧患,死于安乐
D. 民无信不立
【单选题】
10。___是我们立党立国的根本指导思想
A. 马克思主义
B. 社会主义荣辱观
C. 社会主义思想道德
D. 爱国主义11. 当代大学生的历史使命是(A)
【单选题】
衡量大学生全面发展的一个重要标准是___
A. 知识渊博
B. 品质高尚
C. 德才兼备
D. 知行统一
【单选题】
独立生活意识指___
A. 自己的事情自己处理不需要别人管
B. 自己想干什么就干什么
C. 树立自信、自律、自立、自强的精神
D. 天马行空独来独往
【单选题】
___作为社会主义核心价值体系的精髓,解决的是应当具备什么样的精神状态和精神风貌的问题。
A. 马克思主义的指导地位
B. 中国特色社会主义的共同理想
C. 民族精神和时代精神
D. 社会主义荣辱观
【单选题】
人们对生活在其中的世界及人与世界的关系的总的看法和根本观点就是___
A. 世界观
B. 人生观
C. 价值观
D. 历史观
【单选题】
人生观的核心是___
A. 人生意义
B. 人生目的
C. 人生态度
D. 人生价值
【单选题】
人的本质属性是___
A. 自然属性
B. 自私自利
C. 社会属性
D. 趋利避害
【单选题】
社会主义社会人生价值标准是___
A. 是否拥有金钱财富
B. 自我价值实现的程度
C. 宗教信仰是否虔诚
D. 是否为人民群众尽心尽力服务
【单选题】
回答人为什么活着___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
表明人应当怎样对待生活___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
判别什么样的人生才有意义___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 价值取向
【单选题】
下列人生态度中正确的是___
A. 认真务实
B. 看破红尘
C. 悲观消沉
D. 满足于现状
【单选题】
下列属于正确的人生目的的是___
A. 追求享乐
B. 为人民服务
C. 追求金钱
D. 追求个人利益
【单选题】
___认为,金钱可以主宰一切.
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___ 认为,社会和他人是达到个人目的的手段。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___认为,人生的全部内容就在于满足感官的需求与快乐。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
马克思对于人的本质的论断确立与___
A. 《关于费尔巴哈的提纲》
B. 《共产党宣言》
C. 《劳动在才从猿到人转变过程中的作用》D《论黑格尔哲学》
【单选题】
人与自然关系的实质是___
A. 人与人的关系,是社会关系
B. 人对于自然的利用和占有
C. 自然必须服务于人类社会的发展
D. 人与物的占有与被占有的关系
【单选题】
在社会交往和公共生活中公民应该遵守的道德准则是___
A. 职业道德
B. 道德
C. 社会公德
D. 家庭美德
【单选题】
社会公德最基本的要求是___
A. 文明礼貌
B. 遵纪守法
C. 保护环境
D. 助人为乐
【单选题】
通过其规定和实施,影响人们思想,培养和提高人们法律意识,引导人们依法行为的作用是法律的___
A. 指引作用
B. 预测作用
C. 评价作用
D. 教育作用
推荐试题
【多选题】
同一张工作票多点工作,工作票上的工作地点、( )应填写完整。不同工作地点的工作应分栏填写。
A. 线路名称
B. 设备双重名称
C. 工作任务
D. 安全措施
【多选题】
检修(施工)单位的( )名单应事先送设备运维管理单位备案。
A. 工作票签发人
B. 工作许可人
C. 工作负责人
D. 专责监护人
【多选题】
在原工作票的停电及安全措施范围内增加工作任务时,应由工作负责人征得( )同意,并在工作票上增填工作项目。
A. 工作票签发人
B. 工作许可人
C. 专职监护人
D. 工作班成员
【多选题】
在配电线路、设备上进行非电气专业工作(如电力通信工作等),应执行工作票制度,并履行( )等相关安全组织措施。
A. 停电
B. 工作许可
C. 验电
D. 接地
E. 工作监护
【多选题】
配电工作票批准的检修时间为( )批准的开工至完工时间。
A. 运维检修部
B. 调度控制中心
C. 设备运行管理单位
D. 设备运维管理单位
【多选题】
工作票签发人应由熟悉人员技术水平、熟悉( )、熟悉本规程,并具有相关工作经验的生产领导、技术人员或经本单位批准的人员担任,名单应公布。
A. 配电网络接线方式
B. 工作范围内的设备情况
C. 设备情况
D. 现场运行规程
【多选题】
工作负责人应具备的基本条件的有:( )
A. 有本专业工作经验
B. 熟悉工作范围内的设备情况
C. 熟悉本规程
D. 经工区(车间)批准的人员担任,名单应公布
【多选题】
工作许可人应具备的基本条件的有( )。
A. 熟悉配电网络接线方式
B. 熟悉工作范围内的设备情况
C. 熟悉本规程
D. 经工区批准的人员担任,名单应公布。
【多选题】
下列选项中属于工作票签发人的安全责任有( )。
A. 确认工作必要性和安全性
B. 确认工作票上所列安全措施正确完备
C. 确认所派工作负责人和工作班成员适当、充足
D. 正确组织工作
【多选题】
工作前,工作负责人对工作班成员进行( ),并确认每个工作班成员都已签名。
A. 工作任务交底
B. 安全措施交底
C. 危险点告知
D. 现场电气设备接线情况告知
【多选题】
下列选项中属于工作负责人的安全责任有( )。
A. 确认工作票上所列安全措施正确完备
B. 检查工作票所列安全措施是否正确完备,是否符合现场实际条件,必要时予以补充完善
C. 监督工作班成员遵守本规程、正确使用劳动防护用品和安全工器具以及执行现场安全措施
D. 监督被监护人员遵守本规程和执行现场安全措施,及时纠正被监护人员的不安全行为
【多选题】
值班调控人员、运维人员在向工作负责人发出许可工作的命令前,应记录( )。
A. 工作班组名称
B. 工作票签发人姓名
C. 工作负责人姓名
D. 工作地点
E. 工作任务
【多选题】
在用户设备上工作,许可工作前,工作负责人应检查确认用户设备的( )符合作业的安全要求。
A. 运行状态
B. 安全措施
C. 操作方法
D. 使用说明
【多选题】
作业前检查多电源和有自备电源的用户已采取( )等防反送电的强制性技术措施。
A. 机械联锁
B. 防误闭锁
C. 带电闭锁
D. 电气联锁
【多选题】
许可开始工作的命令,应通知工作负责人。其方法可采用:( )
A. 口头通知
B. 当面许可
C. 电话许可
D. 短信传达
E. 派人送达
【多选题】
工作负责人、工作许可人任何一方不得擅自变更运行接线方式和安全措施,工作中若有特殊情况需要变更时,应( )。
A. 先取得对方同意
B. 先取得工作票签发人同意
C. 先取得当值调度同意
D. 变更情况应及时记录在值班日志或工作票上
E. 及时恢复
【多选题】
工作许可后,工作负责人、专责监护人应向工作班成员交待( ),告知危险点,并履行签名确认手续,方可下达开始工作的命令。
A. 现场电气设备接线情况
B. 工作内容
C. 人员分工
D. 带电部位
E. 现场安全措施
【多选题】
检修人员(包括工作负责人)不宜( )高压配电室、开闭所等带电设备区域内。
A. 单独进入
B. 单独滞留在
C. 两人进入
D. 两人滞留在
【多选题】
工作票签发人、工作负责人对有( )的工作,应增设专责监护人,并确定其监护的人员和范围。
A. 触电危险
B. 很大量
C. 检修(施工)施工复杂容易发生事故
D. 涂写杆号
【多选题】
( )对有触电危险、检修(施工)复杂容易发生事故的工作,应增设专责监护人,并确定其监护的人员和范围。
A. 工作票签发人
B. 工作许可人
C. 工区领导
D. 工作负责人
【多选题】
中途新加入的工作班成员,应由( )对其进行安全交底并履行确认手续。
A. 工作票签发人
B. 工作许可人
C. 工作负责人
D. 专责监护人
【多选题】
工作中,遇( )等情况威胁到工作人员的安全时,工作负责人或专责监护人应下令停止工作
A. 雷
B. 雾霾
C. 雨
D. 闷热天气
E. 大风
【多选题】
工作间断,若工作班离开工作地点,应采取措施或派人看守,不让人、畜接近( )等。
A. 挖好的基坑
B. 未竖立稳固的杆塔
C. 负载的起重和牵引机械装置
D. 工作地点
【多选题】
若工作票所列的停电、接地等安全措施随工作地点转移,则每次转移均应分别履行工作许可、终结手续,依次记录在工作票上,并填写使用的接地线( )等随工作地点转移情况。
A. 型号
B. 编号
C. 装拆时间
D. 位置
【多选题】
工作负责人在转移工作地点时,应逐一向工作人员交待( )。
A. 带电范围
B. 安全措施
C. 停电时间
D. 注意事项
【多选题】
工作票上应填写使用的接地线( )等随工作区段转移情况。
A. 编号
B. 装拆时间
C. 位置
D. 装设人
【多选题】
工作终结报告应按( )方式进行。
A. 当面报告
B. 派人送达
C. 短信报告
D. 电话报告,并经复诵无误
【多选题】
在配电线路和设备上工作保证安全的技术措施有( )。
A. 停电
B. 验电
C. 接地
D. 悬挂标示牌和装设遮栏(围栏)
【多选题】
工作地点,应停电的线路和设备中,包含危及线路停电作业安全,且不能采取相应安全措施的( )线路。
A. 交叉跨越
B. 平行
C. 同杆(塔)架设
D. 通信
【多选题】
停电时应拉开隔离开关(刀闸),手车开关应拉至( )位置,使停电的线路和设备各端都有明显断开点。
【多选题】
低压配电线路和设备检修,应断开所有可能来电的电源(包括解开电源侧和用户侧连接线),对工作中有可能触碰的相邻带电线路、设备应采取( )措施。
A. 停电
B. 绝缘遮蔽
C. 可靠
D. 装设遮栏
【多选题】
配电线路、设备停电时,熔断器的熔管应摘下或悬挂( )的标示牌。
A. “止步,高压危险!”
B. “禁止分闸!”
C. “禁止合闸,有人工作!”
D. “禁止合闸,线路有人工作!”
【多选题】
对同杆(塔)塔架设的多层电力线路验电,应( )。禁止作业人员越过未经验电、接地的线路对上层、远侧线路验电。
A. 先验低压、后验高压
B. 先验下层、后验上层
C. 先验近侧、后验远侧
D. 先验内侧、后验外侧
【多选题】
对无法直接验电的设备,应间接验电,即通过设备的( )及各种遥测、遥信等信号的变化来判断。
A. 机械位置指示
B. 电气指示
C. 带电显示装置
D. 仪表
【多选题】
当验明检修的低压配电线路、设备确已无电压后,至少应采取以下措施之一防止反送电:( )。
A. 装设遮栏
B. 所有相线和零线接地并短路
C. 绝缘遮蔽
D. 在断开点加锁、悬挂“禁止合闸,有人工作!”或“禁止合闸,线路有人工作!”的标示牌
【多选题】
在配电线路和设备上,接地线的装设部位应是与检修线路和设备电气直接相连去除( )的导电部分。
A. 油漆
B. 黑色标记
C. 屏蔽层
D. 绝缘层
【多选题】
装设同杆(塔)塔架设的多层电力线路接地线,应( )。
A. 先装设低压、后装设高压
B. 先装设下层、后装设上层
C. 先装设近侧、后装设远侧
D. 先装设高压、后装设低压
【多选题】
对于因( )带电线路、设备导致检修线路或设备可能产生感应电压时,应加装接地线或使用个人保安线。
A. 交叉跨越
B. 接触
C. 平行
D. 邻近
【多选题】
土壤电阻率较高地区,如岩石、瓦砾、沙土等,应采取增加接地体( )等措施改善接地电阻。
A. 根数
B. 长度
C. 截面积
D. 埋地深度
【多选题】
( )停电检修,无法装设接地线时,应采取绝缘遮蔽或其他可靠隔离措施。
A. 低压配电设备
B. 配电变压器
C. 高压架空线路
D. 低压电缆
E. 集束导线