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【单选题】
事物的联系和运动之间的关系___
A. 相互联系构成运动
B. 运动和发展引起质变
C. 发展引起运动
D. 普遍联系和永恒发展
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A
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相关试题
【单选题】
唯物辩证法的总特征是___
A. 量变和质变的观点
B. 辩证否定的观点
C. 联系和发展的观点
D. 对立统一的观点
【单选题】
___
A. 事物的联系是普遍的、无条件的
B. 事物的联系是现实的、具体的
C. 事物的运动是客观的、绝对的
D. 事物发展的根本原因是事物的内部矛盾
【单选题】
“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___
A. 形而上学片面的、孤立的观点
B. 辩证法普遍联系的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 诡辩论的观点
【单选题】
唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___
A. 事物数量的增加
B. 事物根本性质的变化
C. 事物的一切运动变化
D. 新事物的产生和旧事物的灭亡
【单选题】
区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___
A. 是不是在新的历史条件下出现的
B. 是不是符合事物发展规律、有强大生命力
C. 是不是具有新形式和新特点
D. 是不是得到绝大多数人的承认
【单选题】
质量互变规律揭示了___
A. 事物发展的动力和源泉
B. 事物发展的状态和过程
C. 事物发展的方向和道路
D. 事物发展的两种趋势
【单选题】
质和事物的存在是___
A. 相互对立的
B. 相互包含的
C. 直接同一的
D. 相互转化的
【单选题】
在实际工作中,要注意掌握分寸,防止“过”或“不及”,其关键在于___
A. 抓住事物的主要矛盾
B. 确定事物的质
C. 认识事物的量
D. 把握事物的度
【单选题】
区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___
A. 事物的变化是否显著
B. 事物的变化是否迅速
C. 事物的某些属性是否发生了变化
D. 事物的变化是否超出度的范围
【单选题】
量变的复杂性是指___
A. 量变的程度发展不同
B. 量变形式的多样性和总的量变过程中有部分质变
C. 质变中有量的扩张
D. 量变有在度的范围内的变化和突破度的范围的变化
【单选题】
量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___
A. 事物内部各部分之间变化的不平衡性
B. 事物整体与某些构成部分之间变化的不平衡性
C. 事物与事物之间变化的不平衡性
D. 事物的本质属性与非本质属性之间变化的不平衡性
【单选题】
量变中的局部性部分质变是___
A. 事物的本质属性与非本质属性之间变化不平衡性的表现
B. 事物的各个部分之间变化不平衡性的表现
C. 事物的内部矛盾和外部条件变化不平衡性的表现
D. 事物的量和质变化不平衡性的表现
【单选题】
揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___
A. 对立统一规律
B. 质量互变规律
C. 否定之否定规律
D. 联系和发展规律
【单选题】
“肯定和否定相互渗透,在一定意义上,肯定就是否定。”这是一种___
A. 相对主义诡辩论的观点
B. 唯物辩证法的观点
C. 主观唯心主义的观点
D. 形而上学的观点
【单选题】
事物的否定方面是指___
A. 事物的积极方面
B. 事物的消极方面
C. 事物中维持其存在的方面
D. 事物中促使其灭亡的方面
【单选题】
作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___
A. 既保留又继承
B. 彻底抛弃
C. 既克服又保留
D. 矛盾的调和
【单选题】
辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___
A. 把旧事物完全抛弃
B. 使旧事物发生量变
C. 是新事物产生、旧事物灭亡
D. 是从外部强加给事物的
【单选题】
否定之否定规律___
A. 在事物完成一个发展周期时才能完整地表现出来
B. 在事物发展过程中任何一点上都可以表现出来
C. 在事物经过量变和质变两种状态后表现出来
D. 在事物发展过程中经过肯定和否定两个阶段表现出来
【单选题】
事物发展的周期性体现了___
A. 事物发展的直线性与曲折性的统一
B. 事物发展是一个不断地回到出发点的运动
C. 事物发展的周而复始的循环性
D. 事物发展的前进性和曲折性的统一
【单选题】
直线论的错误在于只看到___
A. 事物发展的周期性而否认了前进性
B. 事物发展的前进性而否认了曲折性
C. 事物发展的间接性而否认了连续性
D. 事物发展的曲折性而否认了周期性
【单选题】
循环论的错误在于___
A. 只看到事物发展的普遍性,没有看到事物发展过程的特殊性
B. 只看到事物的绝对运动,没有看到事物的相对静止
C. 只看到事物发展道路的曲折性,没有看到事物发展趋势的前进性
D. 只看到新旧事物之间的连续性,没有看到新旧事物之间的间断性
【单选题】
对立统一规律揭示了___
A. 事物发展的动力和源泉
B. 事物发展的状态和过程
C. 事物发展的方向和道路
D. 事物发展的两种趋向
【单选题】
唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___
A. 对立统一规律
B. 质量互变规律
C. 否定之否定规律
D. 联系和发展的规律
【单选题】
辩证法所说的矛盾是指___
A. 人们思维中的前后不一的自相矛盾
B. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的对立统一
C. 对立面之间的相互排斥
D. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的相互依赖
【单选题】
矛盾的基本属性是___
A. 普遍性和特殊性
B. 绝对性和相对性
C. 变动性和稳定性
D. 斗争性和同一性
【单选题】
依据是___
A. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性辩证关系的原理
B. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性辩证关系的原理
C. 事物发展的量变和质变辩证关系的原理
D. 事物发展的内因和外因辩证关系的原理
【单选题】
矛盾问题的精髓是___
A. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性关系的问题
B. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性关系的问题
C. 主要矛盾和次要矛盾关系的问题
D. 矛盾的主要方面和次要方面关系的问题
【单选题】
题的方法都是___
A. 重点论
B. 均衡论
C. 一点论
D. 两点论
【单选题】
“任何个别(无论怎样)都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___
A. 特殊性就是普遍性
B. 特殊性存在于普遍性之中
C. 普遍性是特殊性的总和
D. 特殊性中包含普遍性
【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
推荐试题
【单选题】
支柱侧面限界是指轨面处()与线路中心的距离。___
A. 支柱外侧
B. 支柱内侧
C. 支柱中心线
D. 支柱位置
【单选题】
为保证铁路沿线的建筑物不得影响各型电动列车和作业车通过规定的建筑物至临近()的最小允许距离,这个距离称为建筑限界。___
A. 钢轨外侧
B. 接触网中心线
C. 线路中心线
D. 钢轨内侧
【单选题】
建筑接近限界的规定值要小于支柱的侧面限界的设计取值,一般为()。___
A. 2m
B. 2.6m
C. 3m
D. 5m
【单选题】
支柱侧面限界变化的原因是()。___
A. 起道
B. 电动列车晃动
C. 支柱倾斜
D. 更换接触网设备
【单选题】
侧面限界值()严重情况会使定位点或跨中接触线脱弓。___
A. 检修
B. 影响
C. 变化
D. 调整
【单选题】
在支柱上除划出红线标记外,还应标记出支柱()、接触线距轨面设计高度、设计拉出值、曲线半径和外轨超高。___
A. 侧面限界
B. 拨道
C. 高程
D. 百米
【单选题】
支柱的负载主要是()。___
A. 垂直负载
B. 水平负载
C. 弯矩
D. 垂直负载和水平负载
【单选题】
接触网支柱一般受垂直()较小,而受水平负荷较大___
A. 重力
B. 负荷
C. 弯矩
D. 剪切力
【单选题】
支持装置包括()。___
A. 腕壁、棒式绝缘子及接触悬挂的悬吊零件
B. 定位管、定位器等
C. 接触线、承力索及吊弦
D. 支柱及基础
【单选题】
腕臂安装在支柱上,用以支持接触悬挂,并起()负荷的作用___
A. 支持
B. 定位
C. 固定
D. 传递
【单选题】
在三个跨距的非绝缘锚段关节中,非工作支的接触线比工作支的接触线抬高()___
A. 100mm
B. 150mm
C. 200mm
D. 250mm
【单选题】
在中心柱安装两套支持装置,悬吊的两支接触()___
A. 一个为工作支,一个为非工作支
B. 可任意选用是否为工作支
C. 均为非工作支
D. 均为工作支
【单选题】
腕臂的作用是支持接触悬挂,并起()的作用。___
A. 导电
B. 传递负荷
C. 调整导高
D. 美观
【单选题】
腕臂的长度与其所跨越线路股道的数目,接触悬挂的(),支柱侧面限界和支柱所在位置等因素有关。___
A. 位置
B. 高度
C. 组成
D. 材料
【单选题】
绝缘腕臂及拉杆与接触悬挂()。___
A. 绝缘
B. 等电位
C. 共同接地
D. 机械分离
【单选题】
两相邻悬挂点等高相对差不得大于()。___
A. 10mm
B. 15mm
C. 20mm
D. 25mm
【单选题】
影响腕臂装配的因素有导高、支柱侧面限界、()等。___
A. 接触网高度
B. 结构高度
C. 隧道高度
D. 钢轨高度
【单选题】
地面段链型悬挂的结构高度目前多采用()。___
A. 40mm
B. 1400mm
C. 2400mm
D. 3400mm
【单选题】
采用最广泛的腕臂是()腕臂。___
A. 绝缘
B. 非绝缘
C. 双线路
D. 三线路
【单选题】
一般由6人一组安装腕臂,其中2人为(),3人起吊拉绳,1人拉晃绳。___
A. 杆下作业
B. 杆上作业
C. 杆上和杆下作业
D. 以上都不对
【单选题】
腕臂预配就是根据接触网设计平面图确定的安装图号,在保证接触线高度、结构高度及()的情况下,预留必要的调整范围,将腕臂安装上支柱前,在地面对其进行的组装。___
A. 驰度
B. 限界
C. 拉出值
D. 导电性
【单选题】
腕臂绝缘子无破损和严重放电痕迹,绝缘子瓷釉拨落面积不能超过()。___
A. 230mm2
B. 250mm2
C. 280mm2
D. 300mm2
【单选题】
根据中心锚结绝缘棒接地端距汇流排的绝缘距离不小于()的设计要求,确定中心锚结底座位置。___
A. 100mm
B. 150mm
C. 200mm
D. 250mm
【单选题】
半补偿中心锚结应用于()。___
A. 半补偿链型悬挂
B. 全补偿链型悬挂
C. 简单悬挂
D. 任意类型悬挂
【单选题】
中心锚结应尽量靠近锚段中部,中心锚结两边线索的()应尽量相等。___
A. 张力
B. 导高
C. 弹性
D. 拉出值
【单选题】
中心锚结拉线拉力应均衡适度,两端拉力应一致,中锚点()。___
A. 不能出现弛度
B. 不能出现正弛度
C. 不能出现负弛度
D. 能出现弛度
【单选题】
半补偿中心锚结线夹两侧辅助绳长度应相等,安装后两侧张力均匀不出现()。___
A. 张力
B. 弛度
C. 力矩
D. 以上都不对
【单选题】
全补偿链形悬挂的承力索和接触线两端都是补偿下锚,可能两端张力()。___
A. 平衡但产生移动
B. 不平衡但不产生移动
C. 平衡但产生移动
D. 不平衡而产生移动
【单选题】
防窜中心锚结缺点是()。___
A. 结构复杂
B. 安装复杂
C. 不防断线事故
D. 不防窜动
【单选题】
简单悬挂中心锚结在接触线上的固定点距悬挂定位点()。___
A. 3m
B. 4m
C. 5m
D. 6m
【单选题】
隧道内半补偿链形悬挂中心锚结设在跨距的中间,在结构形式上与全补偿形式()。___
A. 不同
B. 类同
C. 相同
D. 无可比性
【单选题】
线岔的作用是保持两导线在始触点(),不发生刮弓和钻弓事故。___
A. 平行
B. 垂直
C. 等高
D. 相交
【单选题】
接触线处至中心锚结的距离大于500m时,选用()限制管。___
A. 500型
B. 600型
C. 700型
D. 800型
【单选题】
对于单开道岔,标准定位时,两接触线相交于道岔导曲线两内轨距为()处。___
A. 630mm
B. 725mm
C. 745mm
D. 760mm
【单选题】
线岔的非标准定位,定位支柱位于道岔导曲线两内轨距为()处,即两线路中心距为500~700mm的范围内。___
A. 350~400mm
B. 630~760mm
C. 735~935mm
D. 1000~1500mm
【单选题】
线岔一侧两导线均为工作支时,在两接触线相距500mm处,两导线对轨面要等高,误差为()。___
A. 10mm
B. 20mm
C. 30mm
D. 40mm
【单选题】
电连接载流量应()所接导线同等铜当量的载流量。___
A. 小于等于
B. 大于等于
C. 小于
D. 大于
【单选题】
安装于承力索和接触线之间的是()。___
A. 隔离开关电连接
B. 锚段关节电连接
C. 股道电连接
D. 横向电连接
【单选题】
电连接线不应有断股、散股,如有此现象,应()。___
A. 更换
B. 修补
C. 继续观察
D. 忽略不计
【单选题】
跨线桥等处承力索加分段绝缘子时,两端在承力索与接触线间各设()。___
A. 一组横向电连接器
B. 一组纵向电连接器
C. 一组吊索
D. 一组吊弦
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