事物的联系和运动之间的关系___

唯物辩证法的总特征是___

___

“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___

唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___

区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___

质量互变规律揭示了___

质和事物的存在是___

在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___

你所负责的项目涉及向多个供应商采购产品， 然后加以组合， 形成最终的项目产品。 项目进行了一半之后， 其中一个供应商不再生产你们所需要的那种产品， 而改为生产该产品的升级换代产品。 该供应商说这种新产品的性能更好， 尽管价格稍微高一些。 你应该 （ ）

由于最近发生的公交车安全事故，你所在的公交车公司决定开展一次安全大检查， 了解所存在的各种安全隐患。 你和你的团队已经完成了对公交车的现场检查， 也完成了对相关人员的大规模调查。 现在你们应该使用以下哪个工具对安全事故进行潜在原因分析？ （ ）

项目截至目前的进度落后， 经过分析可以把原来先后顺序进行的工作调整为平行进行来赶上计划进度， 这种进度压缩技术被称为 （ ）

本周计划完成 2000 平方米道砖的铺设， 实际完成了 1800 平方米， 实际花费了52S00 元。 如果道砖的预算单价为 35 元/平方米， 本周项目的成本绩效指数是多少？（ ）

活动 A 历时 3 天， 开始于 4 号星期一早上。 活动 A 有一个后续活动 B, 这两个活动之间是完成到开始关系， 并有 3 天的时间滞后量。 活动 B 历时 4 天。 按照项目日历， 星期天为非工作日。 从这些数据中可以得到什么？ （ ）

你得到了如下关于活动、 逻辑关系和持续时间的信息： a 是开始活动， 工期3 天；b 是开始活动， 工期 7 天； c 的紧前活动是 a （ 开始到开始关系 ）， 工期 4 天； d的紧前活动是 a 和 b, 工期 1 天； e 的紧前活动是 c 和 d， 工期 6 天； f 的紧前活动是 d， 工期 5 天； g 为结束活动， 其紧前活动是 e 和 f， 工期 2 天。 位于关键路径上的活动有 （ ）。

项目为了实现公司占领北方地区市场的战略目标而启动， 项目按时完成并交付产品， 项目的各指标均符合要求， 成本还有所节约。 但由于竞争对手加快研发速度抢先产品上市， 公司并没有羸得本该嬴得的市场份额。 应该如何评价本项目？（ ）

项目发起人授权项目经理起草项目章程， 但是迟迟未能提供商业论证， 其他文件均已提供。 项目经理应该如何行动？（ ）

管理层很不满意你的项目的进展情况。 项目开工 2 年以来， 发生了几件意外的负面事件， 使项目绩效持续恶化。 项目管理办公室主任告诉你， 如果你不能在后续的时间内扭转局面， 使项目绩效回到项目计划上来， 你将只能去公司的餐厅干活了。 为了确定未来的绩效目标， 你将计算 （ ）。

你所负责的项目， 总预算为 12000 美元， 需要在 6 周内建造 100 个产品。 你刚刚开始第 4 周， 到目前为止， 你花了 4000 美元， 成功地建造了 50 个产品。 在这种情况下， 成本偏差说明了什么？（ ）

项目执行一切顺利， 突然因为组织战略的调整而提前终止。 发起人要求项目经理记录项目的最终情况， 以便向组织汇报并接受组织审计。 项目经理应该开始以下哪项工作？ （ ）

对某一产品的连续生产过程进行监测， 描绘的控制图如下所示。 下列哪个是对生产过程的当前状况的正确描述？ （ ）(传不了图，自己看书吧…，简单讲就是：横轴是检测次数，纵轴是检测出的缺陷数，点位图曲线是随着检测次数的增加缺陷数先升后降最后趋向平均值)

某软件公司推出了一个新的统计分析软件， 能够处理多达 500 个变量和 10 万个调查样本。 该软件发布后， 受到了用户的热烈欢迎。 不过， 该软件的售价高达 1 万元， 使在校大学生可望不可即。 为此， 该公司决定专门针对学生发布该软件的学生版， 其他方面都保持不变， 只是把能够处理的变量限制在 50 个， 样本限制在1000 个。 与正常版的软件相比， 该学生版软件是 （ ）。

2 名项目团队成员因为之前积累的私人矛盾而不能在项目上有效合作。 项目经理应该引导他们用以下哪个方法去处理私人矛盾？ （ ）

你的项目团队正在研发一种不会伤害身体的 “ 绿色香烟”。 你已经为项目建立了质量管理计划， 并且严格遵守， 开展了系统的质量保证和质量控制工作。 尽管如此， 你还是发现某个中间产品需要返工。 这种返工的成本属于 （ ）。

相关方 A 是项目的重要相关方， 相关方 B 的权力和影响都比较小。 在项目执行过程中， 你发现相关方 B 好像能对相关方 A 产生较大影响， 从而导致相关方 A 的态度变化。 你应该如何处理？ （ ）

项目团队正在规划如何对产品的质量进行测试和检验， 如果检验所有产品的质量， 可能会带来成本的大幅上升， 甚至检验费会超过生产成本。 项目经理应该如何行动？（ ）

在你负责的新产品研发项目中， 刚刚发现了一个质量缺陷。 你立即召集项目团队成员分析产生缺陷的原因， 请大家各抒己见， 并使用因果图来梳理各种意见之间的联系。 你们正在进行的工作属于以下哪个过程？（ ）

由于航班延误， 某一潜在投标人未能参加投标人会议， 他打电话给你， 希望询问一些关于招标文件的问题。 作为项目经理， 你应该怎么做？（ ）

卖方已经按合同约定交付了全部可交付成果， 项目经理提出正式关闭采购的要求，经采购管理员核实， 还有一项索赔没有解决。 以下哪个说法是正确的？（ ）

一个项目正在执行过程中， 某个团队成员告诉项目经理， 不少人都认为项目将无法达到既定的质量要求。 项目经理召集相关人员开会， 试图解决这个问题。 项目经理正在从事 （ ）。

合同进入收尾阶段， 已经完成了审计， 下一步应该 （ ）。

公司的质量保证部门刚刚对项目进行了质量审计， 并指出项目执行过程中存在的某些问题可能导致项目产品的质量缺陷。 下一步应该做什么？（ ）

在管理项目团队中， 项目经理发现某名团队成员时常不能按时完成任务。 查阅了他的相关资料后， 发现他其实具备较强的工作能力。 项目经理接下来应该如何对他开展管理？ （ ）

为提升个人效率， 开展人性化管理， 项目部允许部分员工在家办公。 但实施一段时间后， 发现在家办公的员工与项目其他人员变得疏离。 项目经理决定修改该制度， 要求每个人至少一周在办公室办公2 天。 这是以下哪个管理过程？ （ ）

你的团队联络员彼得与供应商团队的联络员乔治发生矛盾， 导致项目信息不能及时共享。 乔治试图找彼得沟通， 但彼得拒绝搭理他。 还好你及时发现这个问题，你应该如何解决？（ ）

你为某综合性房地产公司工作， 公司设有工程部和运营部。 你负责的酒店建设项目已经进入收尾阶段， 接下来运营部将接手完工的酒店。 目前你还需逐步完成哪些工作？（ ）

某个为期1 年的项目已经在规定的时间和预算内完成, 关键项目相关方也认为该项目已经实现项目章程中所规定的项目目标。 但是， 某职能部门经理却对项目十分不满。 他抱怨说， 由于工作时间太长 （经常加班 ） ， 他派到项目上的员工有差不多一半已在项目执行期间辞职。 以下哪项最准确地描述了该项目的情况？ （ ）

你的项目正处于制订人力资源计划过程中。 为了获得资源， 你曾几次拜访工程设计部门的职能经理。 但是， 他总是以 “ 腾不出人手” 为由， 谢绝给你提供人员。如果缺少工程设计部门的员工， 项目将遇到很大的困难甚至完全无法开展。 为了取得他的支持， 你应该借助 （ ）。

你的某些团队成员之间的沟通经常出现问题， 导致合作欠佳。 你计划抽一个周末， 把整个团队带到一个度假村参加一系列拓展训练， 并组织篮球、 排球和足球比赛。 这些活动最有利于改善 （ ）。

项目正处于收尾阶段， 很快就可以做完财务收尾、 法律收尾和行政收尾。 在收尾阶段的最后， 项目经理必须把项目正式关门， 并且 （ ）

项目上出现了一个异常问题， 项目经理希望重要相关方尽快关注这个问题， 并采取相应行动来支持项目经理对问题的处理。 项目经理应该给他们发送 （ ）。

在项目进展过程中，团队成员经常变化。那些已经完成相关工作的成员， 应该及时从项目中遣散，以便节约项目成本，并使他们能顺利过渡到下一个项目或回到职能部门。 在某个成员因完成工作而离开时，项目经理应该 （ ）。

项目进入收尾阶段， 项目经理和项目管理团队需要履行对组织过程资产更新的责任。 以下哪项是他们应该做的事情？ （ ）

你所管理的项目将需要在多个物理地点展开， 涉及的风险比较多。 你从公司的组织过程资产中了解到， 过去类似项目的风险管理工作比较混乱。 你想要在本项目上改变这种局面。 为了有效地管理本项目的风险， 你首先应该 （ ）。

项目提前终止， 发起人要求提交收尾文件， 以便了解项目的最终情况。 在此份文件中， 项目经理应该注意包括以下信息， 除了 （ ）。

ABB 公司与某水电站业主签订了电站开关站和高压输电线路的设备供货和安装合同。在安装施工过程中， 卖方抱怨买方没有及时为 ABB 公司清理安装现场， 这可能影响工期。 合同规定场地清理是买方的职责之.。 作为买方的项目经理，你将 （ ）。

需要聘请一位咨询专家为本项目提供技术咨询服务。 现在， 只知道这类咨询服务工作的性质， 还不知道究竟需要多少时日的咨询服务。 为了尽快签订咨询服务合同， 最好采用哪种合同类型？ （ ）

在项目的执行阶段，一个新成员加入了项目团队。项目经理要求他先跟着一个经验丰富的老成员实习一个月。 这种工作跟随方式最有利于 （ ）。

攻势已经持续了三天，但是我们并没有取得多少进展。师长命令我们营夜晚绕到敌人后方发起突然袭击。然而，要绕到敌人后方，我们必须越过一片沼泽地。我们很多人担心会陷入泥潭之中。我们营长决定冒下险。所幸由于寒冷天气沼泽地都结上了冰，我们于天亮前到达目的地并从敌人后方发起进攻。这一下扭转了战局。敌人没有戒备，不久便投降了。