相关试题
【单选题】
事物的联系和运动之间的关系___
A. 相互联系构成运动
B. 运动和发展引起质变
C. 发展引起运动
D. 普遍联系和永恒发展
【单选题】
唯物辩证法的总特征是___
A. 量变和质变的观点
B. 辩证否定的观点
C. 联系和发展的观点
D. 对立统一的观点
【单选题】
___
A. 事物的联系是普遍的、无条件的
B. 事物的联系是现实的、具体的
C. 事物的运动是客观的、绝对的
D. 事物发展的根本原因是事物的内部矛盾
【单选题】
“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___
A. 形而上学片面的、孤立的观点
B. 辩证法普遍联系的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 诡辩论的观点
【单选题】
唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___
A. 事物数量的增加
B. 事物根本性质的变化
C. 事物的一切运动变化
D. 新事物的产生和旧事物的灭亡
【单选题】
区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___
A. 是不是在新的历史条件下出现的
B. 是不是符合事物发展规律、有强大生命力
C. 是不是具有新形式和新特点
D. 是不是得到绝大多数人的承认
【单选题】
质量互变规律揭示了___
A. 事物发展的动力和源泉
B. 事物发展的状态和过程
C. 事物发展的方向和道路
D. 事物发展的两种趋势
【单选题】
质和事物的存在是___
A. 相互对立的
B. 相互包含的
C. 直接同一的
D. 相互转化的
【单选题】
在实际工作中,要注意掌握分寸,防止“过”或“不及”,其关键在于___
A. 抓住事物的主要矛盾
B. 确定事物的质
C. 认识事物的量
D. 把握事物的度
【单选题】
区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___
A. 事物的变化是否显著
B. 事物的变化是否迅速
C. 事物的某些属性是否发生了变化
D. 事物的变化是否超出度的范围
【单选题】
量变的复杂性是指___
A. 量变的程度发展不同
B. 量变形式的多样性和总的量变过程中有部分质变
C. 质变中有量的扩张
D. 量变有在度的范围内的变化和突破度的范围的变化
【单选题】
量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___
A. 事物内部各部分之间变化的不平衡性
B. 事物整体与某些构成部分之间变化的不平衡性
C. 事物与事物之间变化的不平衡性
D. 事物的本质属性与非本质属性之间变化的不平衡性
【单选题】
量变中的局部性部分质变是___
A. 事物的本质属性与非本质属性之间变化不平衡性的表现
B. 事物的各个部分之间变化不平衡性的表现
C. 事物的内部矛盾和外部条件变化不平衡性的表现
D. 事物的量和质变化不平衡性的表现
【单选题】
揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___
A. 对立统一规律
B. 质量互变规律
C. 否定之否定规律
D. 联系和发展规律
【单选题】
“肯定和否定相互渗透,在一定意义上,肯定就是否定。”这是一种___
A. 相对主义诡辩论的观点
B. 唯物辩证法的观点
C. 主观唯心主义的观点
D. 形而上学的观点
【单选题】
事物的否定方面是指___
A. 事物的积极方面
B. 事物的消极方面
C. 事物中维持其存在的方面
D. 事物中促使其灭亡的方面
【单选题】
作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___
A. 既保留又继承
B. 彻底抛弃
C. 既克服又保留
D. 矛盾的调和
【单选题】
辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___
A. 把旧事物完全抛弃
B. 使旧事物发生量变
C. 是新事物产生、旧事物灭亡
D. 是从外部强加给事物的
【单选题】
否定之否定规律___
A. 在事物完成一个发展周期时才能完整地表现出来
B. 在事物发展过程中任何一点上都可以表现出来
C. 在事物经过量变和质变两种状态后表现出来
D. 在事物发展过程中经过肯定和否定两个阶段表现出来
【单选题】
事物发展的周期性体现了___
A. 事物发展的直线性与曲折性的统一
B. 事物发展是一个不断地回到出发点的运动
C. 事物发展的周而复始的循环性
D. 事物发展的前进性和曲折性的统一
【单选题】
直线论的错误在于只看到___
A. 事物发展的周期性而否认了前进性
B. 事物发展的前进性而否认了曲折性
C. 事物发展的间接性而否认了连续性
D. 事物发展的曲折性而否认了周期性
【单选题】
循环论的错误在于___
A. 只看到事物发展的普遍性,没有看到事物发展过程的特殊性
B. 只看到事物的绝对运动,没有看到事物的相对静止
C. 只看到事物发展道路的曲折性,没有看到事物发展趋势的前进性
D. 只看到新旧事物之间的连续性,没有看到新旧事物之间的间断性
【单选题】
对立统一规律揭示了___
A. 事物发展的动力和源泉
B. 事物发展的状态和过程
C. 事物发展的方向和道路
D. 事物发展的两种趋向
【单选题】
唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___
A. 对立统一规律
B. 质量互变规律
C. 否定之否定规律
D. 联系和发展的规律
【单选题】
辩证法所说的矛盾是指___
A. 人们思维中的前后不一的自相矛盾
B. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的对立统一
C. 对立面之间的相互排斥
D. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的相互依赖
【单选题】
矛盾的基本属性是___
A. 普遍性和特殊性
B. 绝对性和相对性
C. 变动性和稳定性
D. 斗争性和同一性
【单选题】
依据是___
A. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性辩证关系的原理
B. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性辩证关系的原理
C. 事物发展的量变和质变辩证关系的原理
D. 事物发展的内因和外因辩证关系的原理
【单选题】
矛盾问题的精髓是___
A. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性关系的问题
B. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性关系的问题
C. 主要矛盾和次要矛盾关系的问题
D. 矛盾的主要方面和次要方面关系的问题
【单选题】
题的方法都是___
A. 重点论
B. 均衡论
C. 一点论
D. 两点论
【单选题】
“任何个别(无论怎样)都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___
A. 特殊性就是普遍性
B. 特殊性存在于普遍性之中
C. 普遍性是特殊性的总和
D. 特殊性中包含普遍性
【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
推荐试题
【单选题】
同一变电站内在几个电气连接部分上依次进行不停电的( )的工作,可以使用一张第二种工作票。 ___
A. 检修
B. 同一类型
C. 维护
D. 试验
【单选题】
国家实行生产安全事故( )制度,依照本法和有关法律、法规的规定,追究生产安全事故责任人员的法律责任。 ___
A. 调查
B. 责任追究
C. 行为追究
D. 举报
【单选题】
国家实行生产安全事故责任追究制度,依法追究生产安全事故( )的法律责任。 ___
A. 领导
B. 工作人员
C. 责任人员
D. 管理人员
【单选题】
若工作负责人必须长时间离开工作现场时,应由( )变更工作负责人,履行变更手续。 ___
A. 有权签发工作票的人
B. 主管生产的领导
C. 原工作票签发人
D. 运行值班负责人
【单选题】
第一、二种工作票需办理延期手续,应在工期( )由工作负责人向运行值班负责人提出申请。 ___
【单选题】
一张工作票中,工作票签发人、工作负责人和工作许可人三者不得互相( )。 ___
【单选题】
严格执行工作票所列( ),是工作负责人(监护人)在工作票执行的安全责任之一。 ___
A. 工作必要性
B. 安全措施
C. 被监护人员
【单选题】
所有配电装置的适当地点,均应设有与( )相连的接地端。 ___
【单选题】
在高压设备上工作,应至少由( )进行,并完成保证安全的组织措施和技术措施。 ___
【单选题】
对于因平行或邻近带电设备导致检修设备可能( )时,必须加装接地线或工作人员使用个人保安线。 ___
A. 安全距离不够
B. 产生感应电压
C. 触及
【单选题】
验电时,应使用相应电压等级而且合格的( )验电器。 ___
【单选题】
已终结的工作票和事故应急抢修单保存时间为( ) ___
【单选题】
用户( )的名单应在调度和有关部门备案。 ___
A. 工作负责人
B. 停送电联系人
C. 高压电工人员
D. 管电领导
【单选题】
验电时,在装设接地线或合接地刀闸处( )验电。 ___
【单选题】
第一、二种工作票和带电作业工作票的有效时间,以( )为限。 ___
A. 领导指令
B. 工作班要求
C. 批准的检修期
D. 工作票签发日期
【单选题】
工作票上所填安全措施是否( ),是工作票签发人的安全责任之一。 ___
A. 适当和充足
B. 正确完备
C. 符合现场条件
【单选题】
在发现直接危及( )安全的紧急情况时,有权停止作业或者在采取可能的紧急措施后撤离作业场所,并立即报告。 ___
A. 居民
B. 人身、电网和设备
C. 变压器
D. 线路
【单选题】
在室内高压设备上工作,应在工作地点两旁及对面( )间隔的遮栏(围栏)上和禁止通行的过道遮栏(围栏)上悬挂“止步,高压危险!”的标示牌。 ___
【单选题】
工作票的使用规定:一张工作票内所列的工作,若至预定时间,一部分工作尚未完成,需继续工作者,在送电前,应按照( )情况,办理新的工作票。 ___
A. 当前现场设备带电
B. 送电后现场设备带电
C. 原工作票
【单选题】
在高压设备上工作,所装接地线与带电部分应考虑接地线( )仍符合安全距离的规定。 ___
【单选题】
工作票有破损不能继续使用时,应( )工作票。 ___
【单选题】
检修部分若分为几个在电气上不相连接的部分,则( )验电接地短路。 ___
A. 在靠近带电设备的部分
B. 各段应分别
C. 电源侧
【单选题】
在控制盘、配电箱、电源干线上工作应执行( ) ___
A. 第一种工作票
B. 口头或电话命令
C. 带电作业工作票
D. 第二种工作票
【单选题】
若需变更或增设安全措施者,应( ) ___
A. 征得工作票签发人同意
B. 征得工作许可人同意
C. 填用新的工作票
【单选题】
工作票的签发人应是熟悉人员技术水平、熟悉设备情况、熟悉本规程,并具有相关工作经验的生产领导人、技术人员或经( )批准的人员。 ___
A. 本单位安全监督部门
B. 本单位分管生产领导
C. 本单位运行部门
【单选题】
工作票签发人和工作负责人,应根据现场的安全条件、施工范围、工作需要等具体情况,增设专责监护人和确定( )。 ___
A. 补充的安全措施
B. 工作进度
C. 工作流程
D. 被监护的人员
【单选题】
在工作地点,应停电的设备有:35千伏及以下的设备处工作,安全距离虽大于表4-1规定,但小于表2-1规定,同时又无( )的设备。 ___
A. “止步,高压危险”牌
B. 接地刀闸
C. 接地线
D. 绝缘隔板、安全遮栏措施
【单选题】
运行中的高压设备其中性点接地系统的中性点,应视作( )。 ___
【单选题】
用户管辖的线路要求恢复送电,应接到( )工作结束报告,作好录音并记录后方可进行。 ___
A. 工作负责人的
B. 原申请人的
C. 用户单位的
【单选题】
( )及以下设备的遮栏,如因工作特殊需要,可用绝缘挡板与带电部分直接接触。 ___
A. 35 千伏
B. 10 千伏
C. 110 千伏
【单选题】
接地线、接地刀闸与检修设备之间不得连有( )。 ___
A. 另外的检修设备
B. 可能产生感应电压的设备
C. 断路器(开关)或熔断器
【单选题】
室内高压设备发生接地时,不得接近故障点( )m以内。 ___
A. 2.0
B. 8.0
C. 6.0
D. 4.0
【单选题】
如果线路上有人工作,应在( )操作把手上悬挂“禁止合闸,线路有人工作!”的标示牌。 ___
A. 线路断路器(开关)
B. 线路断路器(开关)和隔离开关(刀闸)
C. 线路隔离开关(刀闸)
【单选题】
在( )用同一工作票依次在几个工作地点转移工作时,全部安全措施由运行人员在开工前一次做完,不需再办理转移手续。 ___
A. 同一电气连接部分
B. 不同电气部分
C. 同一变电站内
【单选题】
对难以做到与电源完全断开的检修设备停电,( ) ___
A. 必须将来电设备停电
B. 必须放弃停电,检修工作采用带电作业
C. 可以拆除设备与电源之间的电气连接。
【单选题】
检修设备和可能来电侧的断路器(开关)、隔离开关(刀闸)应断开( )电源,隔离开关(刀闸)操作把手应锁住,确保不会误送电。 ___
A. 总熔丝电源
B. 控制电源和合闸电源
C. 小开关电源
【单选题】
营销安全风险都有( )。___
A. 电费安全风险、现场作业安全风险、供电服务安全风险和营销自动化系统安全风险
B. 供用电安全风险、现场作业安全风险、供电服务安全风险和营销自动化系统安全风险
C. 供用电安全风险、电费安全风险、供电服务安全风险和营销自动化系统安全风险
D. 供用电安全风险、电费安全风险、现场作业安全风险、供电服务安全风险和营销自动化系统安全风险
【单选题】
对人员一般违章行为,处以罚款500元,违章记( )分。___
【单选题】
违章计分达到( )分者,处以违章人员内部下岗学习1个月,执行内部下岗学习规定。___