资本金账户内外汇资金，可以在同一外汇账户内转存为定期存款。

账户销户时的顺序为：资本项目外汇账户销户、待核查账户销户、经常项目外汇账户（或NRA外汇账户）、销户本币账户销户。

自对公资料电子化上线后，同一客户在同一网点同时开立的多个不同性质或币种的账户，相同资料只需提供一次（其中对个币种的可使用一张申请书），受理网点只需采集与前一手网点不同的账户资料影像即可，无需重复采集。

定活赢1号支持提前支取一次且全部提前支取，且支持跨网点支取。

“定活赢”产品是针对我行优质存款客户的定期存款产品，付息方式为利随本清，且不自动转存。

“定活赢”产品如逾期支取，逾期部分按开立日我行挂牌公告的活期利率计息。提前支取按相应期限靠档计息。

客户可在账户开户网点申请办理“定活赢”开户业务，客户出具转账支票，签定绍兴银行“定活赢”产品说明书，柜面经办人审核后进行开立。

机构客户可在我行任意网点申请办理“定活赢”开户业务。

“定活赢”1号、2号皆可在我行开户网点申请挂失、解挂、补办及冻结。

存单持有人办理销户后，其存单本金及全部利息划转至存款人指定的同名账户内。

防暑期为___。

段___负责全段人员防暑工种类别划分及防暑物资需求计划的汇总核算、防暑物资的质量验收工作，并指导材料科按部门做好具体配发工作。

一类工种防暑类别是指___。

落实防暑降温措施。各车间要按照生产进度按照___的原则，合理安排生产作业，尽可能的减少高温时段室外作业。

做好机车乘务员防暑水发放工作。暑期温度高于___℃时，运用车间要对当日值乘9：00-19：00间牵引任务的机车乘务员配发冰镇矿泉水，车间做好日常配发、登记、检查等相关管理工作。

防止职工中暑的工作原则是___。

发生中暑的原因：___，很容易使体内蓄热，体温调节功能受损，造成高温中暑。

中暑主要表现为：___

先兆中暑和轻症中暑急救原则与方法___。

重症中暑急救原则与方法___。

"发生先兆中暑和轻症中暑的信息传递及应急响应___。

发生重症中暑的信息传递及应急响应___。

汽车司机外出作业发生中暑的信息传递及应急响应___。

机车乘务员在列车运行中发生中暑的信息传递及应急响应___

对易发生中暑的从业人员尽量安排适当工作，通过___，保证作业人员安全。

生产现场职工要注意作业环境保持通风，注意自身劳逸结合，尽量避免过度疲劳。各车间高温、露天作业场所应设工间休息室，并要求做到___。

检修车间要做好暑期防暑降温间的管理，暑期为各岗位职工及时、不间断地制作和供应___等，并保证供应清凉冷饮的合格和卫生。

高温预警的分类___。

中暑按病性轻重可分为___情况。

重症中暑按症状可分为___类型。

段内作业人员发生中暑，中暑人员或同班人员立即向班组长报告，班组长接到报告立即向车间主任报告，车间主任接到报告立即向安全副段长及安全科科长报告，相关人员接到报告立即赶赴现场组织进行应急处置

机车乘务员值乘中发生中暑立即向前方车站和段内勤调度室报告，内勤调度室接到机车乘务员中暑报告后立即报告车间主任，运用车间主任接报告后立即向主管段领导、安全科科长报告

汽车司机发生中暑，乘车监督岗人员立即向汽车班长报告，汽车班长接到报告后立即向主管安全段领导报告

一类工种主要包括：机车乘务员、外勤值班员、扳道员、库调司机、检车员、机车整备工、擦车工、给油工、机车检测、轴检人员、行修人员、机车保养人员、机车检修水阻人员、装卸人员、露天起重机司机、司索工、外线电工、无驾驶棚的各种司机及经常从事高温、热辐射的作业人员、机车配件煮洗工、发电机司机、熔接工、食堂厨师、炊事员、司炉工等

二类工种主要包括：内外线混合作业电工、汽车司机、各种钳工、工具工、机械设备操作人员、内勤值班人员、叫班员等

三类工种是非直接生产人员。主要包括各级生产、技术、安全、综合管理干部、技术人员、服务人员

进入暑期由段统一组织安排各车间开展防暑演练工作。各车间要按照段要求，认真组织开展本部门防暑演练工作，使本部门人员掌握先兆中暑的判断、处置，确保每一名从业人员熟练掌握中暑后的急救方法，提高作业人员中暑应急处置能力

机车乘务员出乘必须随身携带防暑药品，遇乘务员未携带防暑药品时为了不影响正常行车秩序，可以办理出乘手续

室外作业人员防暑药品不用随身携带，可放在班组易取处管理存放

暑期运用机车必须确保机车空调使用性能良好。运行中机车空调故障时，入库后机车乘务员要进行反馈，外勤值班员组织人员进行修复

“机不可失，时不再来”指的是___

是 ___

在客观规律面前，人的主观能动性表现在___

事物的联系和运动之间的关系___

唯物辩证法的总特征是___

___

“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___

唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___

区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___

质量互变规律揭示了___

质和事物的存在是___

在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___