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【判断题】
用户变电站或配电室进行并路倒闸时 ,不应自行停用进线保护。
A. 对
B. 错
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B
解析
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相关试题
【判断题】
低压电气设备停电检修时 ,为防止检修人员走
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
接地线安装时 ,接地线直接缠绕在须接地的设备上即可。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
凡在高压电气设备上进行检修、试验、清扫、检查等工作时 ,需要全部停电或部分停电者 ;需要填写第一种工作票。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
在进行全站停电操作时 ,应先将电容器组的开关断开 ,然后再停各分路的出线开关。
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
正常情况下 ,第一种操作票应在工作的当天交给值班员。
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
变电所运行中 ,如交接班时发生事故 ,应由接班人员负责处理。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 相线与中性线 (或零线 )间的电压称为相电压。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 有中性线或零线的三相制系统称为三相三线制系统。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 在电路中 ,电能的单位常用单位是 kW ? h,并且 ,1kW ? h 的电能俗称为 1 度电。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 导体电阻的大小与导体的长度成反比 ,与横截面积成正比 ,并与材料的性质有关。()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 实验证明 ,在纯电容电路中 ,交流电的频率越高 ,容抗就越大。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 两根相线之间的电压称为线电压。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 磁感应强度 B 可以看成是与磁场方向相垂直的单位面积上所通过的磁通量。()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 三相交流对称电路中 ,如采用三角形接线时 ,线电流等于相电流的倍。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 交流电流的有效值和最大值之间的关系为 :I=Im/ 根号 2。()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 工作许可人不得签发工作票。
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 高压设备发生接地时 ,室内不得接近故障点 4m 以内。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 高压电容器外壳有异形膨胀时 ,一般不需要将电容器立即退出运行。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 断路器的绝缘水平与断路器的额定电压无关。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 负荷开关具有灭弧装置 ,可切断短路电流。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 RN1 型高压熔断器是有填料限流式高压熔断器。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 不论什么型号 ,只要真空断路器的额定电流相同 ,额定开断电流也相同。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 对断路器的运行维护中 ,新设备投入运行后 ,应相对缩短巡视周期。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 新安装或大修后的断路器 ,投入运行前必须验收合格才能施加运行电压。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 正常情况下 ,高压电容器组的投入或退出运行与系统功率因素无关。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 弹簧储能操动机构的缺点之一是安装调试困难。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 高压熔断器在 110kV 及以上供电网中被广泛应用。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 高压熔断器型号中用 N 代表户外型熔断器。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 真空断路器是利用空气作绝缘介质和灭弧介质的断路器。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 电容器金属外壳应有明显的接地标志。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 当电容器内部设有放电电阻时 ,电容器组可不设放电装置。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】六氟化硫 (SF6)断路器用六氟化硫 (SF6)气体作为绝缘介质和灭弧介质。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 为适应各种电压等级的要求 ,在电容器内部电容元件可接成串联或并联。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 高压熔断器在电路通过负荷电流或短路电流时熔断。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
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【判断】 弹簧储能操动机构的合闸弹簧可采用电动机或人力使合闸弹簧储能。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
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属蒸气使触头间产生电弧。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 在巡视检查时 ,真空断路器的真空灭弧室应无异常 ,屏蔽筒无氧化痕迹。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 正常情况下 ,当系统电压偏低时 ,也可投入高压电容器组。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 隔离开关电动操动机构的操作功率较大。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
【判断题】
【判断】 单台三相高压电容器的电容元件组在外壳内部一般接成三角形。 ()
A. 对
B. 错
推荐试题
【单选题】
依据是___
A. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性辩证关系的原理
B. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性辩证关系的原理
C. 事物发展的量变和质变辩证关系的原理
D. 事物发展的内因和外因辩证关系的原理
【单选题】
矛盾问题的精髓是___
A. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性关系的问题
B. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性关系的问题
C. 主要矛盾和次要矛盾关系的问题
D. 矛盾的主要方面和次要方面关系的问题
【单选题】
题的方法都是___
A. 重点论
B. 均衡论
C. 一点论
D. 两点论
【单选题】
“任何个别(无论怎样)都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___
A. 特殊性就是普遍性
B. 特殊性存在于普遍性之中
C. 普遍性是特殊性的总和
D. 特殊性中包含普遍性
【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
【单选题】
现代人才素质的灵魂是___。
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基础.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。
A. “多极化”
B. 单边主义
C. 两极格局形成
D. 一超独霸
【单选题】
在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可,统一存在的,其中处于主导地位的是___。
A. 德育
B. 智育
C. 体育
D. 美育
【单选题】
时代精神的内涵十分丰富,其中___居于核心地位。
A. 艰苦奋斗
B. 自强不息
C. 团结统一
D. 改革创新
【单选题】
民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。
A. 爱国主义
B. 人道主义
C. 科学主义
D. 革命英雄主义
【单选题】
下列名言反映中华民族是一个艰苦奋斗的民族的有___。
A. 艰难困苦,玉汝于成
B. 先天下之忧而忧
C. 生于忧患,死于安乐
D. 民无信不立
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基本内容
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
10。___是我们立党立国的根本指导思想
A. 马克思主义
B. 社会主义荣辱观
C. 社会主义思想道德
D. 爱国主义11. 当代大学生的历史使命是(A)
【单选题】
衡量大学生全面发展的一个重要标准是___
A. 知识渊博
B. 品质高尚
C. 德才兼备
D. 知行统一
【单选题】
独立生活意识指___
A. 自己的事情自己处理不需要别人管
B. 自己想干什么就干什么
C. 树立自信、自律、自立、自强的精神
D. 天马行空独来独往
【单选题】
___作为社会主义核心价值体系的精髓,解决的是应当具备什么样的精神状态和精神风貌的问题。
A. 马克思主义的指导地位
B. 中国特色社会主义的共同理想
C. 民族精神和时代精神
D. 社会主义荣辱观
【单选题】
___是人才素质的综合体现.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
人们对生活在其中的世界及人与世界的关系的总的看法和根本观点就是___
A. 世界观
B. 人生观
C. 价值观
D. 历史观
【单选题】
人生观的核心是___
A. 人生意义
B. 人生目的
C. 人生态度
D. 人生价值
【单选题】
人的本质属性是___
A. 自然属性
B. 自私自利
C. 社会属性
D. 趋利避害
【单选题】
社会主义社会人生价值标准是___
A. 是否拥有金钱财富
B. 自我价值实现的程度
C. 宗教信仰是否虔诚
D. 是否为人民群众尽心尽力服务
【单选题】
回答人为什么活着___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
表明人应当怎样对待生活___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
判别什么样的人生才有意义___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 价值取向
【单选题】
下列人生态度中正确的是___
A. 认真务实
B. 看破红尘
C. 悲观消沉
D. 满足于现状
【单选题】
下列属于正确的人生目的的是___
A. 追求享乐
B. 为人民服务
C. 追求金钱
D. 追求个人利益
【单选题】
___认为,金钱可以主宰一切.
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___ 认为,社会和他人是达到个人目的的手段。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___认为,人生的全部内容就在于满足感官的需求与快乐。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
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