下列属于不良贷款管理的传统手段的有___。

根据《商业银行授信工作尽职指引》，客户履约能力风险提示包括的情形有___

支付条款包括但不限于以下内容：___。

出现下列行为或情况之一的，按照省联社有关规定对有关责任人进行责任认定和处罚：___。

根据《河南省农村信用社对公信贷业务操作规程》规定，对公信贷业务贷后检查首次检查的内容包括___

根据《河南省农村信用社对公信贷业务操作规程》规定，申请贷款展期的对公客户除应符合贷款基本条件外，还应符合以下条件之一___

根据《河南省农村信用社对公信贷业务操作规程》规定，以下关于对公客户贷款展期的说法正确的是___

根据《河南省农村信用社对公信贷业务操作规程》规定，客户经理工作岗位变动时形成的书面交接材料，就由___签名后登记存档。

根据《河南省农村信用社个人信贷业务操作规程》的规定，严禁对下列个人客户提供信用___

根据《河南省农村信用社个人信贷业务操作规程》的规定，个人客户申请办理信贷业务需提供以下基本资料原件和复印件___

根据《河南省农村信用社个人信贷业务操作规程》的规定，个人客户信用等级评定的操作流程为：___

根据《河南省农村信用社个人信贷业务操作规程》的规定，非现场检查的途径主要包括___等。

根据《河南省农村信用社个人信贷业务操作规程》的规定，现场检查的主要内容包括___等。

根据《河南省农村信用社个人信贷业务操作规程》的规定，对于抵质押类信贷业务，客户还清全部信用后，市县行社应将抵质押的权利凭证交还___。抵押人、出质人并作签收登记，设定抵质押登记的要及时与抵押人、出质人共同向登记部门办理登记注销手续。

根据《河南省农村信用社个人信贷业务操作规程》的规定，对于无法取得催收回执的，应当视情况采取以下___方式确保诉讼时效

《关于进一步深化整治银行业市场乱象的通知》（银监发〔2018〕4号）明确了2018年整治银行业市场乱象以下几个方面的工作要点。___

根据《关于进一步深化整治银行业市场乱象的通知》（银监发〔2018〕4号）的规定，下列选项中属于违反房地产行业政策的是___。

根据《关于进一步深化整治银行业市场乱象的通知》（银监发〔2018〕4号）的规定，下列选项中属于向关系人员输送利益的是___。

为加强对普惠金融重点领域的支持，根据《关于2018年推动银行业小微企业金融服务高质量发展的通知》（银监办发〔2018〕29号）的规定，对单户授信总额1000万元以下（含）的小微企业贷款考核努力实现“两增两控”目标，“两增两控”具体是指：___

流动性风险管理体系应当包括以下基本要素___。

《关于完善商业银行存款偏离度管理有关事项的通知》银保监办发〔2018〕48号规定，商业银行应进一步规范吸收存款行为，不得采取以下手段违规吸收和虚假增加存款___。

征信监管系统的用户可以分为哪几类___。

以下关于征信监管系统申请用户说法正确的有___。

下面关于征信监管系统说法正确的有___

根据《河南省农村信用社联合社关于进一步严管理贷款的意见》要求，有下列___情形之一的，对直接责任人一律开除，涉嫌犯罪的，移交司法机关处理。

《河南省农村信用社员工违规行为处理办法》中对违规人员的处理种类有___

根据《河南省农村信用社员工违规行为处理办法》规定，办理贷款业务中，有下列___行为之一的，给予有关责任人员记过至撤职处分；后果或情节严重的，给予开除处分。

固定资产贷款，用贷款人受托支付方式时，农信社认为有必要准确掌握下列哪种情况___。

个人信用报告中的信息主要有___。

银行贷款定价原则有___。

下列描述正确的是___

金融违法行为处罚办法规定：金融机构办理贷款业务，不得有下列行为___。

下列可以作为抵押物的财产___。

《担保法》规定的担保方式为（）、（）、（）、和___。

担保活动应当遵循（）、（）、（）、___的原则。

深化供给侧结构性改革，要坚持去产能、（）、（）、（）、___，优化存量资源配置，扩大优质增量供给，实现供需动态平衡。

全党要更加自觉地增强___，既不走封闭僵化的老路，也不走改旗易帜的邪路，保持政治定力，坚持实干兴邦，始终坚持和发展中国特色社会主义。

中国特色社会主义事业“四个全面 ”战略布局包括哪些内容？___

党政军民学，东西南北中，当时领导一切的，必须增强___，自觉维护党中央权威和集中统一领导，自觉在思想上行动上同党中央保持高度一致。

中国特色社会主义事业“五位一体 ”总体布局包括哪些内容？___

是 ___

在客观规律面前，人的主观能动性表现在___

事物的联系和运动之间的关系___

唯物辩证法的总特征是___

___

“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___

唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___

区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___

质量互变规律揭示了___

质和事物的存在是___

在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___