相关试题
【单选题】
某男,30岁,吸烟10年,作为健康教育项目中被实施干预的对象,当他得知自己正在被研究时表现出了行为异常,这种现象称为___
A. 格林效应
B. 霍桑效应
C. 光环效应
D. 主观效应
E. 客观效应
【单选题】
公共关系学的理论基础来自___
A. 人内传播
B. 人际传播
C. 群体传播
D. 组织传播
E. 公共传播
【单选题】
在人际传播的谈话技巧中,提问时应避免使用的提问是___
A. 封闭式问题
B. 开放式提问
C. 探索式提问
D. 偏向式提问
E. 复合式提问
【单选题】
下列对人际传播特点的描述不正确的是___
A. 是全身心的传播
B. 在传播中,情感信息的交流占重要地位
C. 在传播过程中,无论是传播者还是受传者均要用多种感宫来传递和接受信息
D. 以个体化信息为主
E. 在传播过程中,对已经确定好的传播策略、交流方式及内容不宜做调整和更改
【单选题】
下列属于病房教育的是___
A. 生活制度
B. 发病机制
C. 医疗效果
D. 病情现状
E. 定期复查
【单选题】
致病性行为模式是指___
A. 日常生活中危害健康的行为习惯
B. 患病过程中所表现出来的不利于疾病康复的行为
C. 可导致特异性疾病发生的行为模式
D. 违反法律法规并危害健康的行为
E. 不利于身体健康的行为
【单选题】
留置套管针患者发生静脉炎后,对患者的护理错误的是___
A. 抬高患肢
B. 减慢输液速度
C. 更换注射部位
D. 局部50%硫酸镁湿热敷
E. 送导管尖端进行培养
【单选题】
S-O-R行为表示式中的“S”指___
A. see看见
B. seeing看见
C. sense感觉
D. stimulus刺激
E. stimtIlate刺激
【单选题】
关于健康教育诊断的概念正确的是___
A. 确定或推测与人群健康问题有关的行为和行为影响因素
B. 对人群疾病谱的诊断
C. 是健康干预的过程
D. 是对人群实施健康教育的过程
E. 提供健康教育的措施
【单选题】
患者,女,60岁,糖尿病,高血脂,护士对其进行戒烟及减肥训练,这些健康教育的内容属于___
A. 一般卫生知识宣教
B. 心理卫生教育
C. 健康相关行为干预
D. 疾病防治知识宣教
E. 自我保健知识宣教
【单选题】
用预真空压力蒸汽灭菌器对金属器皿包进行压力蒸汽灭菌时,下列叙述最正确的是___
A. 重量不超过10kg
B. 若不同类的物品,以最易达到的温度和时间为准
C. 装载量不得小于柜室容积的10%
D. 装载量不超过柜室容积的80%
E. 与敷料包同时灭菌时,放于柜室的上层
【单选题】
下列关于乙型肝炎的叙述错误的是___
A. 被乙肝病毒污染的针头刺伤可感染乙肝
B. 被乙肝病毒污染的血液透析装置也可传播乙肝
C. 乙肝病毒可通过破损的皮肤或黏膜进行传播
D. HBsAg阳性者是传染源之一
E. 患有乙肝的妇女的婴儿一定会得乙肝
【单选题】
某三甲医院2009年6月共收治住院患者2500人,新发医院感染中,50人发生术后切口感染。同期住院患者中共有800人接受了外科手术。这所医院在2009年6月的术后切口感染发生率约为___
A. 2%
B. 5%
C. 6%
D. 8%
E. 10%
【单选题】
"计划工作要从组织系统的整体出发,进行统筹规划"体现了计划的___
A. 整体性原则
B. 重点性原则
C. 系统性原则
D. 组织性原则
E. 统筹性原则
【单选题】
某手术的器械护士,手术前进行外科手消毒,下列做法正确的是___
A. 甲沟炎处涂0.5%碘附溶液,再进行洗手和手消毒
B. 用灭菌刷蘸取0.5%碘附溶液,先刷前臂,再刷手部
C. 用同一灭菌刷按照上一步骤再刷手一次
D. 以无菌巾擦干双手,先擦前臂,再擦手部
E. 手消毒后,双手保持高过肘部,以背开门进入手术室
【单选题】
医院消毒隔离质量标准规定灭菌合格率为___
A. 99%
B. 95%
C. 100%
D. 98%
E. 85%
【单选题】
主持小组讨论时播放短小录像片常用于___
A. 讨论开场
B. 引起兴趣
C. 打破僵局
D. 建立融洽关系
E. 引出讨论问题
【单选题】
"组织文化区别于组织其他内容的根本点"描述的是组织文化的___
A. 文化性
B. 实践性
C. 自觉性
D. 整合性
E. 综合性
【单选题】
外科手消毒,做法错误的是___
A. 先刷指尖、然后刷手、腕、前臂、肘部、上臂下1/2段
B. 按规定顺序刷洗3遍,共6分钟
C. 特别要刷净甲沟、指间、腕部
D. 每遍刷完用流动水冲净
E. 水由手、上臂至肘部流下
【单选题】
护士小张发现紫外线灯管积聚大量灰尘.应用下列哪种棉球擦拭灯管___
A. 无水酒精棉球
B. 75%酒精棉球
C. 生理盐水棉球
D. 次氯酸钠棉球
E. 碘伏棉球
【单选题】
以下有关内源性和外源性医院感染的叙述不正确的是___
A. 外源性感染的微生物可来自于其他患者或医院工作人员
B. 内源性感染又称不可预防性感染
C. 外源性感染又称可预防性感染
D. 外源性感染的微生物可来自患者体表的正常菌群
E. 内源性感染的微生物可来自患者体内的潜在病灶
【单选题】
"目标管理中,对人、财、物、信息、技术等作横向协调,合理使用,为目标管理活动的正常开展创造条件"描述的是目标管理过程中___
A. 咨询指导
B. 调节平衡
C. 反馈控制
D. 考评结果
E. 总结经验
【单选题】
在影响行为的因素归类中,制度与法规属于___
A. 遗传因素
B. 人文因素
C. 环境因素
D. 教育因素
E. 学习因素
【单选题】
下列不属于控制条件的是___
A. 有明确可衡量的标准
B. 与组织文化相匹配
C. 畅通的信息传递渠道
D. 控制人员有较高的素质
E. 以目标和执行者的积极性为基础
【单选题】
下列应采取血液一体液隔离的是___
A. 鼠疫
B. 艾滋病
C. 伤寒
D. 肺结核
E. 新生儿脓疱疮
【单选题】
行为的构成要素包括环境及___
A. 主体、客体、结果、反馈
B. 主体、客体、手段、结果
C. 主体、客体、结果、反馈
D. 机体、行为、结果、反馈
E. 主体、行为、结果、反馈
【单选题】
人类一般通过三种学习方式来发展行为,分别是___
A. 无意模仿、有意模仿和刻意模仿
B. 无意模仿、有意模仿和强迫模仿
C. 自愿模仿、强迫模仿和被动模仿
D. 自愿模仿、有意模仿和强迫模仿
E. 无意模仿、有意模仿和被动模仿
【单选题】
属于护理组织文化中显性内容的是___
A. 护理哲理
B. 价值观念
C. 组织形象
D. 道德规范
E. 组织精神
【单选题】
按照决策的重复性划分,可以将决策划分为___
A. 个人决策和团体决策
B. 确定型决策和风险型决策
C. 程序化决策和非程序化决策
D. 战略决策和战术决策
E. 常规决策和不确定型决策
【单选题】
某三甲医院2009年6月共收治住院患者2500人,其中有200人新发医院感染,同期共有375人存在医院感染。经过感染监测实查,发现6月份漏报新发感染人数50人,实际医院感染发生率为___
A. 8%
B. 10%
C. 15%
D. 20%
E. 25%
【单选题】
导管管尖培养阳性说明细菌菌落数超过___
A. 每平板≥Scfu
B. 每平板≥10cfu
C. 每平板≥15cfu
D. 每平板≥10cfu/ml
E. 每平板≥15cfu/ml
【单选题】
重视沟通细节的处理属于___
A. 有效沟通的要求
B. 有效沟通的原则
C. 有效沟通的方法
D. 有效沟通的策略
E. 有效沟通的意义
【单选题】
王某,男,44岁,急性化脓性阑尾炎,急诊行开腹阑尾切除术,术前检查各项指标均正常。手术结束后,手术器械的消毒灭菌方法应首选___
A. 压力蒸汽灭菌
B. 环氧乙烷灭菌
C. 2%戊二醛浸泡
D. 75%酒精擦拭
E. 3%过氧化氢浸泡
【单选题】
提出需要层次理论的是___
A. 赫茨伯格
B. 马斯洛
C. 亚当斯
D. 弗洛姆
E. 斯金纳
【单选题】
下列预防手术部位感染的措施不正确的是___
A. 尽量减少患者术后在监护室滞留的时间
B. 伤口敷料湿透应立即更换
C. 处理同一患者不同部位的伤口不必洗手
D. 厌氧菌感染切口的脏敷料需焚毁
E. 采用封闭式重力引流
【单选题】
链霉素最主要的毒性反应是___
A. 胃肠道反应
B. 球后神经炎
C. 骨髓抑制
D. 肝损害
E. 听神经损害
【单选题】
下列是护理人才培养的方法是___
A. 科研能力
B. 实践技能
C. 创新思维
D. 基础训练
E. 科室轮转
【单选题】
原位菌群三度失调是指___
A. 菌群的结构比例失调呈相持状态
B. 菌群由生理波动转变为病理波动
C. 出现菌群交替症
D. 菌群失调具有不可逆性
E. 临床多表现为慢性肠炎和阴道炎
【单选题】
骨髓移植病房应采用下列哪种消毒方法___
A. 循环风紫外线空气消毒器
B. 静电吸附式空气消毒器
C. 层流洁净系统
D. 紫外线灯消毒
E. 臭氧消毒
【单选题】
酗酒属于___
A. 日常危害健康行为
B. 致病性行为模式
C. 不良疾病行为
D. 违规行为
E. 预警行为
推荐试题
【单选题】
矛盾问题的精髓是___
A. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性关系的问题
B. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性关系的问题
C. 主要矛盾和次要矛盾关系的问题
D. 矛盾的主要方面和次要方面关系的问题
【单选题】
题的方法都是___
A. 重点论
B. 均衡论
C. 一点论
D. 两点论
【单选题】
“任何个别(无论怎样)都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___
A. 特殊性就是普遍性
B. 特殊性存在于普遍性之中
C. 普遍性是特殊性的总和
D. 特殊性中包含普遍性
【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
【单选题】
世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。
A. “多极化”
B. 单边主义
C. 两极格局形成
D. 一超独霸
【单选题】
在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可,统一存在的,其中处于主导地位的是___。
【单选题】
时代精神的内涵十分丰富,其中___居于核心地位。
A. 艰苦奋斗
B. 自强不息
C. 团结统一
D. 改革创新
【单选题】
民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。
A. 爱国主义
B. 人道主义
C. 科学主义
D. 革命英雄主义
【单选题】
下列名言反映中华民族是一个艰苦奋斗的民族的有___。
A. 艰难困苦,玉汝于成
B. 先天下之忧而忧
C. 生于忧患,死于安乐
D. 民无信不立
【单选题】
10。___是我们立党立国的根本指导思想
A. 马克思主义
B. 社会主义荣辱观
C. 社会主义思想道德
D. 爱国主义11. 当代大学生的历史使命是(A)
【单选题】
衡量大学生全面发展的一个重要标准是___
A. 知识渊博
B. 品质高尚
C. 德才兼备
D. 知行统一
【单选题】
独立生活意识指___
A. 自己的事情自己处理不需要别人管
B. 自己想干什么就干什么
C. 树立自信、自律、自立、自强的精神
D. 天马行空独来独往
【单选题】
___作为社会主义核心价值体系的精髓,解决的是应当具备什么样的精神状态和精神风貌的问题。
A. 马克思主义的指导地位
B. 中国特色社会主义的共同理想
C. 民族精神和时代精神
D. 社会主义荣辱观
【单选题】
人们对生活在其中的世界及人与世界的关系的总的看法和根本观点就是___
A. 世界观
B. 人生观
C. 价值观
D. 历史观
【单选题】
人生观的核心是___
A. 人生意义
B. 人生目的
C. 人生态度
D. 人生价值
【单选题】
人的本质属性是___
A. 自然属性
B. 自私自利
C. 社会属性
D. 趋利避害
【单选题】
社会主义社会人生价值标准是___
A. 是否拥有金钱财富
B. 自我价值实现的程度
C. 宗教信仰是否虔诚
D. 是否为人民群众尽心尽力服务
【单选题】
回答人为什么活着___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
表明人应当怎样对待生活___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
判别什么样的人生才有意义___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 价值取向
【单选题】
下列人生态度中正确的是___
A. 认真务实
B. 看破红尘
C. 悲观消沉
D. 满足于现状
【单选题】
下列属于正确的人生目的的是___
A. 追求享乐
B. 为人民服务
C. 追求金钱
D. 追求个人利益
【单选题】
___认为,金钱可以主宰一切.
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___ 认为,社会和他人是达到个人目的的手段。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___认为,人生的全部内容就在于满足感官的需求与快乐。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
马克思对于人的本质的论断确立与___
A. 《关于费尔巴哈的提纲》
B. 《共产党宣言》
C. 《劳动在才从猿到人转变过程中的作用》D《论黑格尔哲学》