刷题
导入试题
【单选题】
对重症颅脑外伤患者的急救,首先应该做到___
A. 准备床单位
B. 测量呼吸.脉搏.血压
C. 保持呼吸道通畅
D. 给予止血剂和抗感染药物
E. 应用脱水剂
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答案
C
解析
暂无解析
相关试题
【单选题】
颅脑损伤患者行冬眠疗法时,降温标准维持肛温于 ___
A. 24~26℃
B. 26~28℃
C. 30~32℃
D. 32~34℃
E. 34~36℃
【单选题】
帽状腱膜下血肿___
A. 脑脊液中混有血液
B. 血肿范围大,可蔓延至全头顶,有波动感
C. 眼眶青紫,球结膜出血
D. 耳后乳突皮下瘀血及外耳道流血和脑脊液
E. 血肿局限在一块颅骨,张力大,波动不明显
【单选题】
头部外伤患者出现嗅觉丧失.脑脊液鼻漏.眼睑青肿.结膜下出血,可能是 ___
A. 面部软组织损伤
B. 颅后窝骨折
C. 颅前窝骨折
D. 颅前.中.后窝均骨折
E. 颅中窝骨折
【单选题】
颅内压增高的三主征指___
A. 偏瘫.偏盲.偏麻
B. 头痛.呕吐.偏瘫
C. 头痛.抽搐.偏盲
D. 头痛.呕吐.视乳头水肿E.头痛.呕吐.高血压
E. 头痛.呕吐.高血压
【单选题】
中间清醒期是以下哪种颅脑损伤的典型临床表现___
A. 脑挫裂伤
B. 脑干损伤
C. 脑震荡
D. 颅底骨折
E. 硬脑膜外血肿
【单选题】
小脑幕切迹疝最有典型的临床表现是___
A. 神志障碍,瞳孔由正常变为不等大
B. 神志障碍,瞳孔早期扩大
C. 神志障碍,呼吸障碍
D. 头痛呕吐,神志昏迷
E. 神志清醒,一侧瞳孔明显散大
【单选题】
患者,男性,30岁。头部损伤后左耳流血性液体,耳鸣.听力障碍,护理时禁止 ___
A. 抬高床头15~20°
B. 观察瞳孔
C. 耳道口放干棉球
D. 腰椎穿刺
E. 保持耳道清洁
【单选题】
脑挫裂伤最突出的临床表现是 ___
A. 头痛
B. 意识障碍
C. 恶心
D. 呕吐
E. 颈项强直
【单选题】
脑脊液总量有多少___
A. 1200ml~1300ml
B. 1300ml~1400ml
C. 1400ml~1500ml
D. 1500ml~1600ml
E. 1600ml~1700ml
【单选题】
尿崩症患者24h尿量超过 ___
A. 2000ml
B. 3000ml
C. 3500ml
D. 4000ml
E. 5000ml
【单选题】
伤后昏迷继而清醒再昏迷 ___
A. 脑干损伤
B. 脑挫裂伤
C. 颅底骨折
D. 硬脑膜外血肿
E. 脑震荡
【单选题】
防治脑水肿最常用的脱水剂是 ___
A. 20%甘露醇
B. 5%葡萄糖溶液
C. 25%葡萄糖溶液
D. 速尿
E. 5%葡萄糖盐水溶液
【单选题】
蛛网膜下隙出血患者不应出现 ___
A. 频繁呕吐
B. 一过性意识障碍
C. 一侧肢体瘫
D. 脑膜刺激症
E. 剧烈头痛
【单选题】
脑手术后最危险的并发症是___
A. 切口感染
B. 中枢发热
C. 出血
D. 癫病发作
E. 肺部感
【单选题】
以下哪项是开放性颅脑损伤 ___
A. 头皮破裂与颅骨线形骨折
B. 头皮破裂与颅骨凹陷骨折
C. 头皮破裂与颅骨粉碎性骨折
D. 颅盖骨骨折与硬脑膜破裂
E. 头皮.颅骨与硬脑膜都裂开
【单选题】
颅内高压所致的头痛,最典型的特征是___
A. 清晨醒来发作较多
B. 与颅内高压不成正比
C. 与病灶部位并不完全一致
D. 咳嗽.喷嚏时加重
E. 儿童往往不明显
【单选题】
颅内高压引起的呕吐的特点,错误的是___
A. 多在头痛剧烈时出现
B. 无恶心先兆,常突然喷射而出
C. 儿童可反复发生呕吐,常被误诊为胃肠疾病
D. 呕吐与进食无关
E. 缓慢吐出
【单选题】
患者,女性,28岁。头部受伤后出现头痛.眼圈青紫.鼻孔流血性液体,初步诊断为颅前窝骨折,诊断依据为___
A. X线摄片
B. 腰穿检查
C. CT检查
D. 临床表现
E. 超声波检查
【单选题】
小脑幕切迹疝时瞳孔扩大的机制下列哪项正确___
A. 动眼神经核损伤
B. 瞳孔括约肌麻痹
C. 动眼神经受压
D. 交感神经受刺激
E. 脑干受压迫
【单选题】
颅内高压病因或定位诊断不正确的是___
A. 病史
B. 颅内高压三主征
C. 脑的局灶性症状
D. 颅脑X线平片
E. 脑CT.脑血管造影
【单选题】
观察颅脑损伤患者时,下列哪一项提示为急性颅内压增高早期表现___
A. 脉快,呼吸急促
B. 脉快,血压低
C. 脉快,血压高
D. 脉慢,呼吸慢,血压高
E. 脉慢,血压低
【单选题】
颅内高压引起的视神经盘水肿,下列不正确的是___
A. 属颅内高压具有诊断价值的重要体征
B. 通常为双侧性
C. 早期多不影响视力
D. 不需眼底镜检查亦可发现
E. 出现继发性视神经萎缩时可失明
【单选题】
患者,男性,39岁。突发头痛.呕吐四小时入院,入院诊断自发性蛛网膜下隙出血,以下哪项具有病因诊断意义的检查___
A. CT
B. 颅骨X线检查
C. MRI
D. 全脑血管造影
E. 临床表现
【单选题】
颅内肿瘤的好发部位___
A. 鞍区
B. 中脑桥小脑角
C. 脑室
D. 大脑半球
E. 脑干
【单选题】
有脑疝现象忌做___
A. 腰穿
B. 冬眠
C. 脱水
D. 抗感染
E. 补液
【单选题】
下列哪种患者适合作腰椎穿刺检查___
A. 颅内压增高症状和体征患者
B. 颅内感染患者
C. 脑疝患者
D. 头皮血肿
E. 硬膜下血肿
【单选题】
颅脑损伤患者出现哪些征象应立即作好术前准备___
A. 呼吸深而慢
B. 血压升高,脉压变大
C. 出现脑膜刺激征
D. 一侧瞳孔进行性散大对侧肢体瘫痪
E. 腰穿抽出血性脑脊液
【单选题】
体温中枢直接受损而引起发热的疾病是 ___
A. 脑出血
B. 病毒性脑炎
C. 乙型脑炎
D. 流行性脑脊髓炎
E. 结核性脑膜炎
【单选题】
硬脑膜外血肿的定位诊断 ___
A. 同侧瞳孔散大,对侧肢难体瘫痪
B. 同侧瞳孔散大,同侧肢体瘫痪
C. 同侧瞳孔散大,两侧肢体瘫痪
D. 对侧瞳孔散大,同侧肢体瘫痪
E. 对侧瞳孔散大,对侧肢体瘫痪
【单选题】
颅底骨折患者禁止耳鼻滴药.冲洗和堵塞是为了防止___
A. 脑疝形成
B. 颅内压增高
C. 头痛
D. 颅内继发感染
E. 脑脊液流失
【单选题】
为降低颅内压和防止颅内压突然增高,常采取的措施下列哪项不正确___
A. 镇静.休息
B. 床头抬高15~30cm卧位
C. 输液量可不控制
D. 发热者给予降温
E. 应用脱水剂
【单选题】
小脑幕切迹疝时肢体活动障碍有何特点___
A. 病变同侧肢体瘫痪
B. 病变同侧上肢和对侧下肢瘫痪
C. 病变对侧肢体瘫痪
D. 病变对侧上肢和同侧下肢瘫痪
E. 四肢瘫痪
【单选题】
对颅内高压患者的处理,下列不正确的是___
A. 密切观察病情变化
B. 便秘时高压灌肠
C. 应用脱水剂
D. 限制液体摄入量
E. 呼吸不畅可行气管切开
【单选题】
颅底骨折属于___
A. 闭合性骨折
B. 开放性骨折
C. 不稳定性骨折
D. 青枝骨折
E. 凹陷性骨折
【单选题】
治疗脑外伤后昏迷并发肺部感染最重要的是___
A. 翻身拍背
B. 吸氧
C. 及时行气管切开
D. 使用广谱抗生素
E. 雾化吸入
【单选题】
不宜做大量不保留灌肠的患者是 ___
A. 直肠.结肠检查
B. 妊娠
C. 肝性脑病
D. 中暑患者
E. 分娩术前
【单选题】
粪便嵌塞患者的早期处理是 ___
A. 清洁灌肠
B. 油类保留灌肠
C. 使用栓剂.缓泻剂
D. 腹部按摩肛管排气
E. 人工取便
【单选题】
为女患者导尿,下列操作正确的是 ___
A. 置患者于屈膝仰卧位
B. 脱下近侧裤腿盖到对侧腿上
C. 初次外阴消毒可选用1%的碘伏
D. 插入导管深度3~4cm
E. 第一次放尿不超过2000ml
【单选题】
测定尿蛋白定量应加入的防腐剂是 ___
A. 浓硫酸
B. 甲醛
C. 甲苯
D. 浓盐酸
E. 无水乙醇
【单选题】
做爱迪计数在尿标本中加甲醛的目的是 ___
A. 防止尿液改变颜色
B. 避免尿液被污染变质
C. 防止尿中激素被氧化
D. 固定尿中有机成分
E. 保持尿液的化学成分不变
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【单选题】
事物的联系和运动之间的关系___
A. 相互联系构成运动
B. 运动和发展引起质变
C. 发展引起运动
D. 普遍联系和永恒发展
【单选题】
唯物辩证法的总特征是___
A. 量变和质变的观点
B. 辩证否定的观点
C. 联系和发展的观点
D. 对立统一的观点
【单选题】
___
A. 事物的联系是普遍的、无条件的
B. 事物的联系是现实的、具体的
C. 事物的运动是客观的、绝对的
D. 事物发展的根本原因是事物的内部矛盾
【单选题】
“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___
A. 形而上学片面的、孤立的观点
B. 辩证法普遍联系的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 诡辩论的观点
【单选题】
唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___
A. 事物数量的增加
B. 事物根本性质的变化
C. 事物的一切运动变化
D. 新事物的产生和旧事物的灭亡
【单选题】
区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___
A. 是不是在新的历史条件下出现的
B. 是不是符合事物发展规律、有强大生命力
C. 是不是具有新形式和新特点
D. 是不是得到绝大多数人的承认
【单选题】
质量互变规律揭示了___
A. 事物发展的动力和源泉
B. 事物发展的状态和过程
C. 事物发展的方向和道路
D. 事物发展的两种趋势
【单选题】
质和事物的存在是___
A. 相互对立的
B. 相互包含的
C. 直接同一的
D. 相互转化的
【单选题】
在实际工作中,要注意掌握分寸,防止“过”或“不及”,其关键在于___
A. 抓住事物的主要矛盾
B. 确定事物的质
C. 认识事物的量
D. 把握事物的度
【单选题】
区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___
A. 事物的变化是否显著
B. 事物的变化是否迅速
C. 事物的某些属性是否发生了变化
D. 事物的变化是否超出度的范围
【单选题】
量变的复杂性是指___
A. 量变的程度发展不同
B. 量变形式的多样性和总的量变过程中有部分质变
C. 质变中有量的扩张
D. 量变有在度的范围内的变化和突破度的范围的变化
【单选题】
量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___
A. 事物内部各部分之间变化的不平衡性
B. 事物整体与某些构成部分之间变化的不平衡性
C. 事物与事物之间变化的不平衡性
D. 事物的本质属性与非本质属性之间变化的不平衡性
【单选题】
量变中的局部性部分质变是___
A. 事物的本质属性与非本质属性之间变化不平衡性的表现
B. 事物的各个部分之间变化不平衡性的表现
C. 事物的内部矛盾和外部条件变化不平衡性的表现
D. 事物的量和质变化不平衡性的表现
【单选题】
揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___
A. 对立统一规律
B. 质量互变规律
C. 否定之否定规律
D. 联系和发展规律
【单选题】
“肯定和否定相互渗透,在一定意义上,肯定就是否定。”这是一种___
A. 相对主义诡辩论的观点
B. 唯物辩证法的观点
C. 主观唯心主义的观点
D. 形而上学的观点
【单选题】
事物的否定方面是指___
A. 事物的积极方面
B. 事物的消极方面
C. 事物中维持其存在的方面
D. 事物中促使其灭亡的方面
【单选题】
作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___
A. 既保留又继承
B. 彻底抛弃
C. 既克服又保留
D. 矛盾的调和
【单选题】
辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___
A. 把旧事物完全抛弃
B. 使旧事物发生量变
C. 是新事物产生、旧事物灭亡
D. 是从外部强加给事物的
【单选题】
否定之否定规律___
A. 在事物完成一个发展周期时才能完整地表现出来
B. 在事物发展过程中任何一点上都可以表现出来
C. 在事物经过量变和质变两种状态后表现出来
D. 在事物发展过程中经过肯定和否定两个阶段表现出来
【单选题】
事物发展的周期性体现了___
A. 事物发展的直线性与曲折性的统一
B. 事物发展是一个不断地回到出发点的运动
C. 事物发展的周而复始的循环性
D. 事物发展的前进性和曲折性的统一
【单选题】
直线论的错误在于只看到___
A. 事物发展的周期性而否认了前进性
B. 事物发展的前进性而否认了曲折性
C. 事物发展的间接性而否认了连续性
D. 事物发展的曲折性而否认了周期性
【单选题】
循环论的错误在于___
A. 只看到事物发展的普遍性,没有看到事物发展过程的特殊性
B. 只看到事物的绝对运动,没有看到事物的相对静止
C. 只看到事物发展道路的曲折性,没有看到事物发展趋势的前进性
D. 只看到新旧事物之间的连续性,没有看到新旧事物之间的间断性
【单选题】
对立统一规律揭示了___
A. 事物发展的动力和源泉
B. 事物发展的状态和过程
C. 事物发展的方向和道路
D. 事物发展的两种趋向
【单选题】
唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___
A. 对立统一规律
B. 质量互变规律
C. 否定之否定规律
D. 联系和发展的规律
【单选题】
辩证法所说的矛盾是指___
A. 人们思维中的前后不一的自相矛盾
B. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的对立统一
C. 对立面之间的相互排斥
D. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的相互依赖
【单选题】
矛盾的基本属性是___
A. 普遍性和特殊性
B. 绝对性和相对性
C. 变动性和稳定性
D. 斗争性和同一性
【单选题】
依据是___
A. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性辩证关系的原理
B. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性辩证关系的原理
C. 事物发展的量变和质变辩证关系的原理
D. 事物发展的内因和外因辩证关系的原理
【单选题】
矛盾问题的精髓是___
A. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性关系的问题
B. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性关系的问题
C. 主要矛盾和次要矛盾关系的问题
D. 矛盾的主要方面和次要方面关系的问题
【单选题】
题的方法都是___
A. 重点论
B. 均衡论
C. 一点论
D. 两点论
【单选题】
“任何个别(无论怎样)都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___
A. 特殊性就是普遍性
B. 特殊性存在于普遍性之中
C. 普遍性是特殊性的总和
D. 特殊性中包含普遍性
【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
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