相关试题
【单选题】
最简便的杀灭结核菌的方法是___
A. 阳光暴晒2小时
B. 煮沸1分钟
C. 70%酒精接触2分钟
D. 来苏水接触2~12小时
E. 直接焚烧带有病菌的痰纸
【单选题】
关于慢性粒细胞白血病的叙述,错误的是___
A. 大多由急性转化而来
B. 慢粒急变大多预后不良
C. 慢粒急变用原药化疗无效
D. 国内以慢粒最多见
E. 以中年发病多见
【单选题】
保护易感人群最重要的免疫措施是___
A. 口服中草药
B. 注射高效价免疫球蛋白
C. 注射丙种球蛋白
D. 接种疫苗、菌苗、类毒素
E. 接种抗毒素
【单选题】
导致慢性肺心病的最常见病因是___
A. 支气管哮喘
B. 慢性纤维空洞型肺结核
C. 尘肺
D. 慢性支气管炎
E. 弥漫性支气管扩张
【单选题】
伤寒的典型临床表现是___
A. 持续发热、脾脏肿大、玫瑰疹、相对缓脉、白细胞减少
B. 弛张热、脾脏肿大、玫瑰疹、相对缓脉、白细胞减少
C. 不规则发热、脾脏肿大、玫瑰疹、相对缓脉、白细胞减少
D. 持续发热、脾脏肿大、瘀点、重脉、白细胞减少
【单选题】
某患者既往有肾小球肾炎史,因病情稳定上班工作。近日在单位体检时发现血压升高,来医院复查,证实为慢性肾小球肾炎急性发作,为迅速而有效地缓解症状,下列哪项措施最佳___
A. 卧床休息
B. 低糖饮食
C. 利尿降压
D. 激素疗法
E. 中医疗法
【单选题】
引起自发性气胸最常见的疾病是___
A. 慢性阻塞性肺疾病
B. 肺结核
C. 肺癌
D. 支气管扩张
E. 尘肺
【单选题】
肝性脑病患者护理诊断下列哪项正确___
A. 有受伤的危险
B. 知识缺乏
C. 照顾者角色困难
D. 感知觉改变
E. 以上都对
【单选题】
呼吸衰竭时缺氧与二氧化碳潴留的最主要发病原理是___
A. 通气/血流比例失调
B. 弥散功能障碍
C. 肺泡通气量不足
D. 氧耗量增加
E. 肺内动静脉分流增和
【单选题】
作尿培养和菌落计数时,正确的护理应是___
A. 收集标本前用消毒剂充分清洗外阴部
B. 留取在膀胱内停留有6~8h的尿液
C. 留取初始尿液置于清洁容器内
D. 应取患者停用抗菌药物后第三天尿液
E. 若尿标本不能立即检查应加适量防腐剂
【单选题】
流行性乙型脑炎最主要的死亡原因是___
A. 中枢性呼吸衰竭
B. 反复惊厥
C. 过高热
D. 严重后遗症
E. 昏迷合并肺炎
【单选题】
甲状腺功能减退症的药物护理中服用甲状腺激素正确的是___
A. 从小剂量开始
B. 用药前后测脉搏
C. 不可随意增减或停药
D. 定时测体重
E. 以上都是
【单选题】
下列哪项不可能是慢性粒细胞白血病患者的护理诊断___
A. 活动无耐力
B. 营养失调:低于机体需要量
C. 有感染的危险
D. 疼痛:脾胀痛
E. 潜在并发症:周围循环衰竭
【单选题】
急性中毒首先采取的措施是___
A. 清除尚未吸收的毒物
B. 促进体内已吸收的毒物排出
C. 应用特效解毒剂
D. 对症治疗
E. 迅速脱离中毒环境
【单选题】
肺炎链球菌肺炎的铁锈色痰的最主要原因___
A. 痰里有大量红细胞
B. 痰里混有大量肺泡巨噬细胞
C. 是纤维蛋白和红细胞结合的产物
D. 红细胞破坏后释放含铁血黄素
E. 以上都不是
【单选题】
肺结核大咯血最主要的致死原因___
A. 失血性休克
B. 重度贫血
C. 窒息
D. 心力衰竭
E. 呼吸衰竭
【单选题】
在抢救甲状腺功能亢进危象时应首选下列哪种药物___
A. 甲巯咪唑(他巴唑)
B. 丙基硫氧嘧啶(PTU)
C. 复方碘液
D. 糖皮质激素
E. 大量心得安
【单选题】
慢性呼吸衰竭的患者,下列哪项处理不利于呼吸道通畅___
A. 糖皮质激素
B. 采用快速利尿剂
C. 口服或雾化祛痰剂
D. 痰液黏稠者补液
E. 无力排痰者翻身拍背
【单选题】
右心衰竭可能的症状不包括___
A. 肝肿大
B. 少尿
C. 恶心
D. 胃纳差
E. 夜间阵发性呼吸困难
【单选题】
人体感染血吸虫后,在体内因血吸虫卵引起的病变以哪部位最为严重___
A. 肠系膜静脉
B. 肝脏与结肠肠壁
C. 脾脏
D. 门静脉
E. 肺脏
【单选题】
闭合性气胸胸膜腔内压力变化正确的是___
A. 胸膜腔内压力持续升高
B. 胸膜腔内压抽气后压力维持不变
C. 胸腹腔内压力明显超过大气压
D. 抽气后,胸膜腔内压力下降不复升
E. 抽气后胸膜腔内压力下降,但有迅速回升
【单选题】
下列哪项不是肾上腺皮质醇增多症的临床表现___
A. 多血质
B. 高血压
C. 淋巴结肿大
D. 骨质疏松
E. 阳痿
【单选题】
对狂犬病的治疗和护理,下列哪项是错误的___
A. 患者咽肌痉挛不能进食时,可静脉输液,但不应插管,以免增加对咽肌的刺激
B. 咽肌和呼吸肌痉挛不能用镇静剂控制时,可气管切开和机械通气
C. 医务人员接触患者时,应戴口罩和橡皮手套
D. 患者住单人房间,避免水、声、光、风的刺激
【单选题】
对伤寒腹胀患者的护理,不正确的是___
A. 用松节油热敷腹部
B. 协助轻轻翻身
C. 可轻轻按摩腹部
D. 肛管排气
E. 可进食糖类饮食
【单选题】
伤寒患者退热1~3周后,临床症状再次出现称为___
A. 再燃
B. 复发
C. 二重感染
D. 再感染
E. 重复感染
【单选题】
下列除哪项病因以外,都与肺癌的发生有关___
A. 吸烟
B. 病毒感染
C. 大气污染
D. 职业因素
E. 过敏因素
【单选题】
三(四)腔气囊管压迫止血适用于___
A. 食管静脉曲张破裂出血
B. 急性出血性糜烂性胃炎出血
C. 胃癌并出血
D. 胆道出血
E. 消化性溃疡并发出血
【单选题】
阻塞性肺气肿肺功能检查最有价值的是___
A. 潮气量
B. 肺活量
C. 流量-容积(V,V)曲线测定
D. 残气量(RV)及残气量/肺总量(RV/TLC)百分比测定
E. 以上都不对
【单选题】
急性胰腺炎患者若淀粉酶下降后又上升,表示___
A. 病情又有反复
B. 发生并发症
C. 病情基本得到控制
D. 腺泡细胞功能恢复
E. 患者抵抗力增强
【单选题】
胃壁分为黏膜、黏膜下层、肌层、浆膜等4层,其中黏膜层主要由下列哪几种细胞组成___
A. 主细胞
B. 壁细胞
C. 黏液细胞
D. B细胞
E. 主细胞、壁细胞和黏液细胞
【单选题】
下列哪项不属于脑桥出血的表现___
A. 对侧偏盲
B. 突然深昏迷
C. 中枢性高热
D. 四肢瘫痪
E. 两侧瞳孔针尖般缩小
【单选题】
关于张力性气胸,哪项错误___
A. 常继发于慢性阻塞性肺疾病或肺结核
B. 胸腔压力超过大气压
C. 可使纵隔严重移位,影响心脏血液回流
D. 必须紧急抽气减压
E. 一般抽气减压后,胸腔内压力不再上升
【单选题】
下列哪项不是判断糖尿病治疗效果的指标___
A. 餐后血糖
B. 空腹血糖
C. 尿糖
D. 胰岛素释放试验
E. 糖化血红蛋白
【单选题】
关于气胸的处理,哪项是错误的___
A. 气胸量小于20ml,症状轻微,不需排气
B. 如肺萎缩时间长,宜用高负压排气
C. 交通性气胸应作胸腔闭式引流
D. 血气胸可作低位胸腔插管引流
E. 复发性气胸,可用四环素注入胸腔造成粘连
【单选题】
流行性乙型脑炎最常见的并发症为___
A. 压疮
B. 尿路感染
C. 肺不张
D. 支气管肺炎
E. 败血症
【单选题】
DIC的首要治疗措施是___
A. 肝素抗凝
B. 输浓缩血小板
C. 去除诱因,治疗原发病
D. 补充凝血因子
E. 抗纤溶治疗
【单选题】
关于血友病,下列说法错误的是___
A. 血友病A和B都是X染色体隐性遗传
B. 多自幼即有轻微损伤后出血倾向
C. 反复关节腔出血不会遗留后遗症
D. 主要表现为软组织、肌肉和负重关节出血
E. 出血症状出现越早病情越重
【单选题】
腰椎穿刺体位,不正确的是___
A. 取侧卧位
B. 头部俯屈至胸
C. 头部去枕,使脊柱与头部在一条水平线上
D. 密切观察意识,瞳孔及生命体征
E. 脊背弯成弓形,使椎间隙增大
【单选题】
急性肺脓肿的治疗原则___
A. 止咳、祛痰、解痉和抗感染
B. 改善通气,积极抗感染
C. 积极抗感染,充分引流痰液
D. 支持疗法、祛痰、有效抗生素
E. 中西医结合,全身用药与局部用药相结合
【单选题】
急性病毒性肝炎早期最主要的治疗措施是___
A. 维生素类药物
B. 免疫制剂
C. 卧床休息
D. 抗病毒药物
E. 保肝药物
推荐试题
【单选题】
直线论的错误在于只看到___
A. 事物发展的周期性而否认了前进性
B. 事物发展的前进性而否认了曲折性
C. 事物发展的间接性而否认了连续性
D. 事物发展的曲折性而否认了周期性
【单选题】
循环论的错误在于___
A. 只看到事物发展的普遍性,没有看到事物发展过程的特殊性
B. 只看到事物的绝对运动,没有看到事物的相对静止
C. 只看到事物发展道路的曲折性,没有看到事物发展趋势的前进性
D. 只看到新旧事物之间的连续性,没有看到新旧事物之间的间断性
【单选题】
对立统一规律揭示了___
A. 事物发展的动力和源泉
B. 事物发展的状态和过程
C. 事物发展的方向和道路
D. 事物发展的两种趋向
【单选题】
唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___
A. 对立统一规律
B. 质量互变规律
C. 否定之否定规律
D. 联系和发展的规律
【单选题】
辩证法所说的矛盾是指___
A. 人们思维中的前后不一的自相矛盾
B. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的对立统一
C. 对立面之间的相互排斥
D. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的相互依赖
【单选题】
矛盾的基本属性是___
A. 普遍性和特殊性
B. 绝对性和相对性
C. 变动性和稳定性
D. 斗争性和同一性
【单选题】
依据是___
A. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性辩证关系的原理
B. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性辩证关系的原理
C. 事物发展的量变和质变辩证关系的原理
D. 事物发展的内因和外因辩证关系的原理
【单选题】
矛盾问题的精髓是___
A. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性关系的问题
B. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性关系的问题
C. 主要矛盾和次要矛盾关系的问题
D. 矛盾的主要方面和次要方面关系的问题
【单选题】
题的方法都是___
A. 重点论
B. 均衡论
C. 一点论
D. 两点论
【单选题】
“任何个别(无论怎样)都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___
A. 特殊性就是普遍性
B. 特殊性存在于普遍性之中
C. 普遍性是特殊性的总和
D. 特殊性中包含普遍性
【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
【单选题】
世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。
A. “多极化”
B. 单边主义
C. 两极格局形成
D. 一超独霸
【单选题】
在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可,统一存在的,其中处于主导地位的是___。
【单选题】
时代精神的内涵十分丰富,其中___居于核心地位。
A. 艰苦奋斗
B. 自强不息
C. 团结统一
D. 改革创新
【单选题】
民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。
A. 爱国主义
B. 人道主义
C. 科学主义
D. 革命英雄主义
【单选题】
下列名言反映中华民族是一个艰苦奋斗的民族的有___。
A. 艰难困苦,玉汝于成
B. 先天下之忧而忧
C. 生于忧患,死于安乐
D. 民无信不立
【单选题】
10。___是我们立党立国的根本指导思想
A. 马克思主义
B. 社会主义荣辱观
C. 社会主义思想道德
D. 爱国主义11. 当代大学生的历史使命是(A)
【单选题】
衡量大学生全面发展的一个重要标准是___
A. 知识渊博
B. 品质高尚
C. 德才兼备
D. 知行统一
【单选题】
独立生活意识指___
A. 自己的事情自己处理不需要别人管
B. 自己想干什么就干什么
C. 树立自信、自律、自立、自强的精神
D. 天马行空独来独往
【单选题】
___作为社会主义核心价值体系的精髓,解决的是应当具备什么样的精神状态和精神风貌的问题。
A. 马克思主义的指导地位
B. 中国特色社会主义的共同理想
C. 民族精神和时代精神
D. 社会主义荣辱观
【单选题】
人们对生活在其中的世界及人与世界的关系的总的看法和根本观点就是___
A. 世界观
B. 人生观
C. 价值观
D. 历史观
【单选题】
人生观的核心是___
A. 人生意义
B. 人生目的
C. 人生态度
D. 人生价值
【单选题】
人的本质属性是___
A. 自然属性
B. 自私自利
C. 社会属性
D. 趋利避害
【单选题】
社会主义社会人生价值标准是___
A. 是否拥有金钱财富
B. 自我价值实现的程度
C. 宗教信仰是否虔诚
D. 是否为人民群众尽心尽力服务
【单选题】
回答人为什么活着___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
表明人应当怎样对待生活___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义