相关试题
【多选题】
15国防法规的特性是___。
A. 调整对象的军事性
B. 处罚措施的严厉性
C. 公开程度的有限性
D. 司法适用的优先性
【多选题】
___ 是国家法律的一般特性。
A. 鲜明的阶级性
B. 普遍的适用性
C. 高度的权威性
D. 相对的稳定性
【多选题】
___体现了国防后备力量建设取得了长足的发展。
A. 健全了国防动员机构,保证国家能很快由平时状态转入战时状态,调动足够的人力、物力、财力应付战争的需要。
B. 确立并实行了民兵与预备役相结合的制度,初步形成了具有中国特色的国防后备力量体系。
C. 加强了国防教育,使国防教育正逐步纳入到整个国民教育体系之中,走上了法制化、规范化的轨道。
D. 民兵、预备役部队在参战支前、保卫边疆、发展生产、扶贫帮困、抢险救灾、维护社会治安等方面发挥了重要作用,为国家的改革、发展和稳定做出了巨大的贡献。
【多选题】
以下哪些是国防动员的主要内容___。
A. 国民经济动员
B. 科学技术动员
C. 人民防空动员
D. 政治动员
【多选题】
以下哪些是国防动员的基本原则___。
A. 服从大局,长期准备
B. 优先准备,灵活多样
C. 严密组织,快速高效
D. 因故因势,协调灵活
【多选题】
大学生入伍享受哪些优惠政策___。
A. 享受优先政策
B. 享受优待政策
C. 大学毕业生可选拔为军官
D. 优先选取为士官
【多选题】
21爱国主义在社会主义核心价值观中的地位是___。
A. 爱国主义是社会主义核心价值观的首要原则
B. 爱国主义是社会主义核心价值观的重要基础
C. 爱国主义是社会主义核心价值观的动力之源
D. 爱国主义产生于社会主义核心价值观
【多选题】
“政治昌明是国防巩固的根本”,以下事例___体现了国防的巩固离不开昌明的政治。
A. 商鞅变法
B. 文景之治
C. 贞观之治
D. 康乾盛世
【多选题】
国防法规的特性是___。
A. 目标体系的多样性
B. 职能部门的专门性
C. 公开程度的有限性
D. 处罚措施的严厉性
【多选题】
24国防动员的组织体系是由___组成。
A. 决策机构
B. 协调机构
C. 执行机构
D. 监督机构
【多选题】
中国人民解放军五大战区是___。
A. 东部战区
B. 南部战区
C. 西部战区
D. 北部战区
【多选题】
以下哪些是国防动员的基本原则___。
A. 服从大局,长期准备
B. 全面规划,统筹兼顾
C. 严密组织,快速高效
D. 因故因势,协调灵活
【多选题】
根据___,中华人民共和国的国防领导权由中共中央、全国人大及其常务委员会、国家主席、国务院、中央军委来行驶。
A. 《中华人民共和国国防法》
B. 《中华人民共和国国防教育法》
C. 《中华人民共和国宪法》
D. 《反分裂国家法》
【多选题】
___体现了国防后备力量建设取得了长足的发展。
A. 实现了指导思想的战略性转变, 走上了相对和平时期稳步发展的轨道。
B. 确立并实行了民兵与预备役相结合的制度,初步形成了具有中国特色的国防后备力量体系。
C. 注重宏观指导,合理布局,边海防、大中城市和重点地区的民兵工作得到加强。
D. 民兵、预备役部队在参战支前、保卫边疆、发展生产、扶贫帮困、抢险救灾、维护社会治安等方面发挥了重要作用,为国家的改革、发展和稳定做出了巨大的贡献。
【多选题】
___是国家法律的一般特性。
A. 鲜明的阶级性
B. 严格的强制性
C. 高度的权威性
D. 相对的稳定性
【多选题】
中华人民共和国武装力量是由___组成。
A. 民兵
B. 中国人民解放军现役部队和预备役部队
C. 义务兵
D. 志愿兵
【多选题】
31我国公民的国防义务包括___
A. 兵役义务
B. 接受国防教育的义务
C. 保护国防设施的义务
D. 保守国防秘密的义务
【多选题】
以下事例___证明了了通过加强军备建设,巩固国防取得了巨大的成果。
A. 战国时期赵国推行“胡服骑射”等军事改革
B. 秦统一后实行“刀枪入库”、“马放南山”的政策
C. 汉朝整肃军备
D. 清朝晚期实行洋务运动
【多选题】
“政治昌明是国防巩固的根本”,以下事例___体现了国防的巩固离不开昌明的政治。
A. 商鞅变法
B. 文景之治
C. 贞观之治
D. 宦官专政
【多选题】
34清政府创建了中国的近代新式海军,组建了___三大水师。
【多选题】
明朝杰出的军事家、民族英雄戚继光,在抗击倭寇和打击蒙古族内犯的多年里,写下了___等著名的兵书。
A. 《纪效新书》
B. 《练兵实纪》
C. 《孙子兵法》
D. 《司马法》
【多选题】
我国公民的国防权利包括___。
A. 对国防建设提出建议的权利
B. 制止、检举危害国防利益行为的权利
C. 国防活动中受到损失有获得补偿的权利
D. 履行兵役的义务
【多选题】
37我国有些法规是公开的,有些则不公开,下面公开的法规有___。
A. 《中华人民共和国国防法》
B. 《中华人民共和国兵役法》
C. 《战备工作条令》
D. 《军事设施保护法》
【多选题】
38我国公民的国防义务包括___。
A. 兵役义务
B. 维护国家统一和安全的义务
C. 保护国防设施的义务
D. 协助国防活动的义务
【多选题】
国防是指国家为防备和抵抗侵略,制止武装颠覆,保卫国家主权统一、领土完整和安全所进行的军事及军事有关的政治、经济、外交、科技、教育等方面活动。国防的基本要素包括___。
A. 国防的意义
B. 国防的对象
C. 国防的目的
D. 国防的性质
【多选题】
国防动员的组织体系是由___三部分组成。
A. 动员决策机构
B. 组织结构
C. 协调机构
D. 执行机构
【多选题】
中国人民解放军现有的军种包括___
A. 联勤保障部队
B. 陆军
C. 火箭军
D. 空军
【多选题】
42大学生入伍享受哪些优惠政策___。
A. 保留入学资格或学籍
B. 享受学费补偿和国家助学贷款代偿
C. 大学生士兵退役后享受升学优惠政策
D. 大学毕业生可选拔为军官
【多选题】
43国防领导体制是国家___国防建设和军事斗争的组织体系及相应制度,是国防体制和国家体制的重要组成部分。
【多选题】
44根据《中华人民共和国宪法》和《中华人民共和国国防法》, 中华人民共和国的国防领导权由___行使。
A. 中共中央
B. 省人大及其常务委员会
C. 国家主席
D. 中央军委
【多选题】
下列哪些是我国经典军事著作___
A. 《孙子兵法》
B. 《六韬》
C. 《五轮书》
D. 《武经总要》
【多选题】
46国防的目的是___。
A. 捍卫国家的主权
B. 保卫国家的统一
C. 保卫邻国国家的领土完整
D. 保障公民的安全
【多选题】
47我国的国防手段包括___。
A. 政治手段
B. 外交手段
C. 文化手段
D. 体育手段
【多选题】
国防法规的特性是___。
A. 目标体系的多样性
B. 处罚措施的严厉性
C. 公开程度的有限性
D. 法律条例的自由性
【多选题】
以下哪些是国防动员的主要内容___。
A. 国民经济动员
B. 科学技术动员
C. 人民防空动员
D. 文化动员
【多选题】
以下哪些是国防动员的基本原则___ 。
A. 优先准备,灵活多样
B. 全面规划,统筹兼顾
C. 军民结合,平战结合
D. 因故因势,协调灵活
【判断题】
《反分裂国家法》在国防法规体系中占有统帅地位并起着核心作用,是其他军事立法的基本法律依据
【判断题】
3国防是为防备和抵抗侵略,制止武装颠覆,保卫国家的主权、统一、领土完整和安全,而进行的军事及与军事有关的政治、经济、外交、科技、文化等方面的活动
【判断题】
4国防的目的是保卫国家的主权、统一、领土完整和安全
推荐试题
【单选题】
“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___
A. 形而上学片面的、孤立的观点
B. 辩证法普遍联系的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 诡辩论的观点
【单选题】
唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___
A. 事物数量的增加
B. 事物根本性质的变化
C. 事物的一切运动变化
D. 新事物的产生和旧事物的灭亡
【单选题】
区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___
A. 是不是在新的历史条件下出现的
B. 是不是符合事物发展规律、有强大生命力
C. 是不是具有新形式和新特点
D. 是不是得到绝大多数人的承认
【单选题】
质量互变规律揭示了___
A. 事物发展的动力和源泉
B. 事物发展的状态和过程
C. 事物发展的方向和道路
D. 事物发展的两种趋势
【单选题】
质和事物的存在是___
A. 相互对立的
B. 相互包含的
C. 直接同一的
D. 相互转化的
【单选题】
在实际工作中,要注意掌握分寸,防止“过”或“不及”,其关键在于___
A. 抓住事物的主要矛盾
B. 确定事物的质
C. 认识事物的量
D. 把握事物的度
【单选题】
区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___
A. 事物的变化是否显著
B. 事物的变化是否迅速
C. 事物的某些属性是否发生了变化
D. 事物的变化是否超出度的范围
【单选题】
量变的复杂性是指___
A. 量变的程度发展不同
B. 量变形式的多样性和总的量变过程中有部分质变
C. 质变中有量的扩张
D. 量变有在度的范围内的变化和突破度的范围的变化
【单选题】
量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___
A. 事物内部各部分之间变化的不平衡性
B. 事物整体与某些构成部分之间变化的不平衡性
C. 事物与事物之间变化的不平衡性
D. 事物的本质属性与非本质属性之间变化的不平衡性
【单选题】
量变中的局部性部分质变是___
A. 事物的本质属性与非本质属性之间变化不平衡性的表现
B. 事物的各个部分之间变化不平衡性的表现
C. 事物的内部矛盾和外部条件变化不平衡性的表现
D. 事物的量和质变化不平衡性的表现
【单选题】
揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___
A. 对立统一规律
B. 质量互变规律
C. 否定之否定规律
D. 联系和发展规律
【单选题】
“肯定和否定相互渗透,在一定意义上,肯定就是否定。”这是一种___
A. 相对主义诡辩论的观点
B. 唯物辩证法的观点
C. 主观唯心主义的观点
D. 形而上学的观点
【单选题】
事物的否定方面是指___
A. 事物的积极方面
B. 事物的消极方面
C. 事物中维持其存在的方面
D. 事物中促使其灭亡的方面
【单选题】
作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___
A. 既保留又继承
B. 彻底抛弃
C. 既克服又保留
D. 矛盾的调和
【单选题】
辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___
A. 把旧事物完全抛弃
B. 使旧事物发生量变
C. 是新事物产生、旧事物灭亡
D. 是从外部强加给事物的
【单选题】
否定之否定规律___
A. 在事物完成一个发展周期时才能完整地表现出来
B. 在事物发展过程中任何一点上都可以表现出来
C. 在事物经过量变和质变两种状态后表现出来
D. 在事物发展过程中经过肯定和否定两个阶段表现出来
【单选题】
事物发展的周期性体现了___
A. 事物发展的直线性与曲折性的统一
B. 事物发展是一个不断地回到出发点的运动
C. 事物发展的周而复始的循环性
D. 事物发展的前进性和曲折性的统一
【单选题】
直线论的错误在于只看到___
A. 事物发展的周期性而否认了前进性
B. 事物发展的前进性而否认了曲折性
C. 事物发展的间接性而否认了连续性
D. 事物发展的曲折性而否认了周期性
【单选题】
循环论的错误在于___
A. 只看到事物发展的普遍性,没有看到事物发展过程的特殊性
B. 只看到事物的绝对运动,没有看到事物的相对静止
C. 只看到事物发展道路的曲折性,没有看到事物发展趋势的前进性
D. 只看到新旧事物之间的连续性,没有看到新旧事物之间的间断性
【单选题】
对立统一规律揭示了___
A. 事物发展的动力和源泉
B. 事物发展的状态和过程
C. 事物发展的方向和道路
D. 事物发展的两种趋向
【单选题】
唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___
A. 对立统一规律
B. 质量互变规律
C. 否定之否定规律
D. 联系和发展的规律
【单选题】
辩证法所说的矛盾是指___
A. 人们思维中的前后不一的自相矛盾
B. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的对立统一
C. 对立面之间的相互排斥
D. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的相互依赖
【单选题】
矛盾的基本属性是___
A. 普遍性和特殊性
B. 绝对性和相对性
C. 变动性和稳定性
D. 斗争性和同一性
【单选题】
依据是___
A. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性辩证关系的原理
B. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性辩证关系的原理
C. 事物发展的量变和质变辩证关系的原理
D. 事物发展的内因和外因辩证关系的原理
【单选题】
矛盾问题的精髓是___
A. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性关系的问题
B. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性关系的问题
C. 主要矛盾和次要矛盾关系的问题
D. 矛盾的主要方面和次要方面关系的问题
【单选题】
题的方法都是___
A. 重点论
B. 均衡论
C. 一点论
D. 两点论
【单选题】
“任何个别(无论怎样)都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___
A. 特殊性就是普遍性
B. 特殊性存在于普遍性之中
C. 普遍性是特殊性的总和
D. 特殊性中包含普遍性
【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?
In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.
While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.
The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.
In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare.
Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%.
The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.
Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.
What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才