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【单选题】
安全施工方案交底应由___负责完成。
A. 技术负责人
B. 编制人
C. 审核人
D. 安全负责人
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答案
B
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相关试题
【单选题】
当作业人员或机械器具与220kV带电设备的最小距离小于___m时,施工项目部应进行现场勘察,编写安全施工方案,并将安全施工方案提交运维单位备案。
A. 8;
B. 9;
C. 10;
D. 11
【单选题】
作业票由___填写,安全、技术人员审核,作业票A由施工队签发,作业票B由施工项目经理签发。
A. 安全负责人;
B. 现场监护人;
C. 施工队长;
D. 作业负责人
【单选题】
己签发或批准的作业票应由___收执,签发人宜留存备份。
A. 作业负责人;
B. 专责监护人;
C. 技术负责人;
D. 安全负责人
【单选题】
需要变更作业成员时,应经___同意,在对新的作业人员进行安全交底并履行确认签字手续后,方可进行工作。
A. 作业票签发人;
B. 作业负责人;
C. 作业许可人;
D. 专责监护人
【单选题】
作业票签发人是负责该项作业的___。
A. 技术负责人;
B. 安全责任人;
C. 安全监护人;
D. 施工负责人
【单选题】
下列选项不符合作业监护规定的是___
A. 作业负责人要及时纠正作业人员的不安全行为;
B. 根据现场安全条件、施工范围和作业的需要,增设专责监护人,并明确其监护内容;
C. 专责监护人不得兼做其他工作;
D. 专责监护人需长时间离开作业现场时,可以指派专人代替
【单选题】
根据现场安全条件、施工范围和作业需要,增设___,并明确其监护内容。
A. 作业人员;
B. 作业负责人;
C. 监理人员;
D. 专责监护人
【单选题】
作业票工作内容完成后,应清扫整理作业现场,作业负责人应检查作业地点状况,落实现场安全防护措施,并向___汇报。
A. 安全监护人;
B. 监理工程师;
C. 作业票签发人;
D. 作业许可人
【单选题】
道路施工现场的机动车辆应限速行驶,行驶速度一般不得超过___km/h;并应在显著位置设置限速标志。
A. 15;
B. 25;
C. 20;
D. 30
【单选题】
施工用金属房内配电设备前端地面应铺设___。
A. 绝缘橡胶板;
B. 瓷砖;
C. 地毯;
D. 工业自流坪
【单选题】
器材应按规定堆放,绝缘了应包装完好,堆放高度不宜超过___m。
A. 3.5;
B. 2;
C. 2.5;
D. 3.0
【单选题】
lOkV/400kVA及以下的变压器宜采用支柱上安装,支柱上变压器的底部距地面的高度不得小于___m。
A. 1.5;
B. 2.0;
C. 2.5;
D. 1.0
【单选题】
变压器中性点及外壳接地应接触良好,连接牢固可靠,工作接地电阻不得大于___Ω。
A. 4;
B. 5;
C. 10;
D. 15
【单选题】
低压电力电缆中应包含全部工作芯线和用作工作零线、保护零线的芯线。其中___色芯线用作工作零线(N线)。
A. 黄绿;
B. 绿;
C. 黄;
D. 淡蓝
【单选题】
移动开关箱至固定式配电箱之问的引线长度不得大于___m,且只能用绝缘护套软电缆。
A. 50;
B. 60;
C. 40;
D. 45
【单选题】
施工用电电源采用中性点直接接地的专用变压器供电时,其低压配电系统的接地型式宜采用___。
A. TN-C-S接零保护系统;
B. TN-S接零保护系统;
C. TN接零保护系统;
D. N-C接零保护系统
【单选题】
接地装置人工接地体的顶面埋设深度不宜小于___m。
A. 0.5;
B. 0.6;
C. 0.55;
D. 0.45
【单选题】
用电单位应建立施工用电安全岗位责任制,明确各级用电___。
A. 技术负责人;
B. 安全监护人;
C. 安全责任人;
D. 工作负责人
【单选题】
末级配电箱中剩余电流动作保护装置(漏电保护器)的额定动作电流不应大于___ mA,额定漏电动作时间不应大于O.ls。
A. 35;
B. 40;
C. 50;
D. 30
【单选题】
配电箱送电应按照___顺序进行操作。
A. 总配电箱→分配电箱→末级配电箱;
B. 分配电箱→末级配电箱→总配电箱;
C. 总配电箱→末级配电箱→分配电箱;
D. 末级配电箱→分配电箱→总配电箱
【单选题】
凡在距坠落高度基准面___ m及以上有可能坠落的高度进行的作业均称为高处作业。
A. 2;
B. 1.0;
C. 1.7;
D. 1.5
【单选题】
高处作业的人员应___体检一次。
A. 每年;
B. 半年;
C. 一年半;
D. 每两年
【单选题】
高处作业人员应衣着灵便,衣袖、裤脚应扎紧,穿___,并正确佩戴个人防护用具。
A. 皮鞋;
B. 平底鞋;
C. 绝缘靴;
D. 软底防滑鞋
【单选题】
高处作业的平台、走道、斜道等应装设不低于1.2m高的护栏,并设___mm高的挡脚板。
A. 180;
B. 150;
C. 120;
D. 110
【单选题】
在气温低于-1O℃进行露天高处作业时,施工场所附近宜设___,并采取防火措施。
A. 帐篷;
B. 热饮点;
C. 取暖休息室;
D. 防护棚
【单选题】
自制的汽车吊高处作业平台,应经计算、验证,并制定操作规程,经施工单位___批准后方可使用。
A. 工程部;
B. 安监部;
C. 设备管理部;
D. 分管领导
【单选题】
下列选项不符合交叉作业规定的是___。
A. 作业前,应明确交叉作业各方的施工范围及安全注意事项;
B. 在吊物下方接料时要安排专人指挥;
C. 交叉作业现场应设置专责监护人;
D. 交叉作业场所应保持充足光线
【单选题】
有限空间作业应坚持___的原则,作业前应进行风险辨识,分析有限空间内气体种类并进行评估监测,做好记录。
A. 先通风、再检测、后作业;
B. 边通风、边作业;
C. 先通风、再作业;
D. 边检测、边作业
【单选题】
在氧气浓度、有害气体、可燃性气体、粉尘的浓度可能发生变化的环境中作业,当作业中断超过___ min,应当重新通风、检测合格后方可进入。
A. 30;
B. 25;
C. 20;
D. 15
【单选题】
有限空间作业场所应使用安全矿灯,潮湿环境下应使用___ V的安全电压。
A. 48;
B. 12;
C. 24;
D. 36
【单选题】
下列选项小符合机动车运输规定的是___。
A. 车上应配备灭火器;
B. 路面水深超过汽车排气管时应加速通过;
C. 重要物资运输前应事先对道路进行勘察;
D. 载货机动车除押运和装卸人员外,不得搭乘其他人员
【单选题】
下列选项不符合起重作业规定的是___
A. 利用限位装置代替操纵机构时注意控制荷载;
B. 在起重臂、吊钩、平衡重等转动体上应标以鲜明的色彩标志;
C. 操作人员应按规定的起重性能作业,禁止超载;
D. 起重作业应由专人指挥,分工明确
【单选题】
下列选项不符合焊接与切割规定的是___。
A. 焊接与切割的作业场所应有良好的照明;
B. 焊接作业人员衣着不得敞领卷袖;
C. 作业人员在观察电弧时,应使用带有滤光镜的头罩或手持面罩;
D. 焊接或切割作业现场存在火灾隐患时要安排专人进行防护
【单选题】
禁止在储存或加工易燃、易爆物品的场所周围___m范围内进行焊接或切割作业。
A. 10;
B. 8;
C. 7;
D. 5
【单选题】
高处作业时,电焊机及其他焊割设备与高处焊割作业点的下部地而保持___m以上的间隔,并应设监护人。
A. 5;
B. 7;
C. 8;
D. 10
【单选题】
氩气瓶不许撞砸,立放应有支架,并远离明火___m以上。
A. 3;
B. 2.5;
C. 2;
D. 1
【单选题】
下列选项不符合冬季施工规定的是___。
A. 用火炉取暖时,应采取防止一氧化碳中毒的措施;
B. 冬季坑、槽的施工方案应根据土质情况制定边坡防护措施;
C. 油箱或容器内的油料冻结时,应用火慢慢烤化;
D. 用明火加热时,配备足量的消防器材
【单选题】
下列选项不符合山区及林(牧)区施工规定的是___。
A. 防火期施工指定专人携带火种上山作业;
B. 山区及林(牧)区施工应严格遵守环境保护相关工作;
C. 山区及林(牧)区施工做好防毒蛇、野兽、毒蜂等生物的侵害措施;
D. 山区及林(牧)区施工应防止误踩深沟、陷阱
【单选题】
拉绞磨尾绳不应少于两人,且应位于锚桩后面、绳圈外侧,距离绞磨不得小于___m。
A. 1;
B. 1.5;
C. 2;
D. 2.5
【单选题】
雨雪天不应露天电焊作业。在潮湿地带作业时,操作人员应站位于绝缘物上方,并穿___。
A. 软底鞋;
B. 雨靴;
C. 防滑鞋;
D. 绝缘鞋
推荐试题
【单选题】
矛盾问题的精髓是___
A. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性关系的问题
B. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性关系的问题
C. 主要矛盾和次要矛盾关系的问题
D. 矛盾的主要方面和次要方面关系的问题
【单选题】
题的方法都是___
A. 重点论
B. 均衡论
C. 一点论
D. 两点论
【单选题】
“任何个别(无论怎样)都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___
A. 特殊性就是普遍性
B. 特殊性存在于普遍性之中
C. 普遍性是特殊性的总和
D. 特殊性中包含普遍性
【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
【单选题】
现代人才素质的灵魂是___。
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基础.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。
A. “多极化”
B. 单边主义
C. 两极格局形成
D. 一超独霸
【单选题】
在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可,统一存在的,其中处于主导地位的是___。
A. 德育
B. 智育
C. 体育
D. 美育
【单选题】
时代精神的内涵十分丰富,其中___居于核心地位。
A. 艰苦奋斗
B. 自强不息
C. 团结统一
D. 改革创新
【单选题】
民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。
A. 爱国主义
B. 人道主义
C. 科学主义
D. 革命英雄主义
【单选题】
下列名言反映中华民族是一个艰苦奋斗的民族的有___。
A. 艰难困苦,玉汝于成
B. 先天下之忧而忧
C. 生于忧患,死于安乐
D. 民无信不立
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基本内容
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
10。___是我们立党立国的根本指导思想
A. 马克思主义
B. 社会主义荣辱观
C. 社会主义思想道德
D. 爱国主义11. 当代大学生的历史使命是(A)
【单选题】
衡量大学生全面发展的一个重要标准是___
A. 知识渊博
B. 品质高尚
C. 德才兼备
D. 知行统一
【单选题】
独立生活意识指___
A. 自己的事情自己处理不需要别人管
B. 自己想干什么就干什么
C. 树立自信、自律、自立、自强的精神
D. 天马行空独来独往
【单选题】
___作为社会主义核心价值体系的精髓,解决的是应当具备什么样的精神状态和精神风貌的问题。
A. 马克思主义的指导地位
B. 中国特色社会主义的共同理想
C. 民族精神和时代精神
D. 社会主义荣辱观
【单选题】
___是人才素质的综合体现.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
人们对生活在其中的世界及人与世界的关系的总的看法和根本观点就是___
A. 世界观
B. 人生观
C. 价值观
D. 历史观
【单选题】
人生观的核心是___
A. 人生意义
B. 人生目的
C. 人生态度
D. 人生价值
【单选题】
人的本质属性是___
A. 自然属性
B. 自私自利
C. 社会属性
D. 趋利避害
【单选题】
社会主义社会人生价值标准是___
A. 是否拥有金钱财富
B. 自我价值实现的程度
C. 宗教信仰是否虔诚
D. 是否为人民群众尽心尽力服务
【单选题】
回答人为什么活着___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
表明人应当怎样对待生活___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
判别什么样的人生才有意义___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 价值取向
【单选题】
下列人生态度中正确的是___
A. 认真务实
B. 看破红尘
C. 悲观消沉
D. 满足于现状
【单选题】
下列属于正确的人生目的的是___
A. 追求享乐
B. 为人民服务
C. 追求金钱
D. 追求个人利益
【单选题】
___认为,金钱可以主宰一切.
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___ 认为,社会和他人是达到个人目的的手段。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___认为,人生的全部内容就在于满足感官的需求与快乐。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
马克思对于人的本质的论断确立与___
A. 《关于费尔巴哈的提纲》
B. 《共产党宣言》
C. 《劳动在才从猿到人转变过程中的作用》D《论黑格尔哲学》
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