___是溢流发现的第一责任人。

塔里木油田坐岗制度的要求，起钻时泥浆工要做到___核对一次泥浆灌入或返出量。

对于坐岗制度描述___是正确的。

在油气层（目的层）钻井作业过程中，泥浆工坐岗观察记录___，及时发现是否有溢流和井漏发生。

塔里木油田坐岗制度的要求，在___等不循环工况泥浆工应坐岗观察泥浆出口管有无泥浆异常流出情况。

坐岗的主要目的是___。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：下列情况起钻前应进行短程起下钻检测油气上窜速度___。需长时间停止循环进行其他作业（测井、下套管、下油管、中途测试等）起钻前。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：短程起钻10～15柱（水平井起到直井段）后停泵观察，观察时间为:___。

满足下列哪些条件之一才能起钻：___。

通过选择合理的___等技术措施，保证固井作业期间压稳油气水层。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：表层套管下深应满足___。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：油气层测井前通井时___。

配备不少于6台防爆轴流风机，风机直径≥600mm，___处各摆放2台。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：测井时发生溢流，___根据溢流性质、大小决定何时剪断电缆、抢下钻具深度和何时关井，钻井队和测井队应全力配合。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：电测前，测井队准备___。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：钻前工程和井场布局应满足井控要求有___放喷管线出口应修建容积不低于100m3的放喷池，同时应保证放喷物不造成污染。

塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：钻井工程设计应根据钻井地质设计提供的资料，并参考邻井实钻资料，同时考虑___、井控装备配套以及钻进作业方式等因素，综合确定泥浆的密度。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：控压钻井作业设计应充分考虑___等，控压钻井设计应纳入钻井工程设计。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：井控设计是___中的必要组成部分。钻井生产应先设计（包括补充设计和设计变更）后施工，坚持无设计不施工的原则。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：欠平衡钻井方式的选择和欠压值的确定应综合考虑___地层流体和钻井流体的特征、套管抗内压及抗外挤强度和地面设备处理能力等因素。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：井喷失控是钻井工程中性质严重、损失巨大的灾难性事故。一旦发生井喷失控，将打乱正常的生产秩序___ 油气井报废等。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：控压作业期间，应每5min测量并记录一次___点火情况等参数，并填写控压作业记录，发现异常，须加密监测。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：欠平衡钻井期间，套压控制以___的变化为依据，综合分析，适时调整。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：平衡压力钻井时，泥浆密度以裸眼井段中的最高地层压力当量泥浆密度值为基准，另加一个安全附加值来确定泥浆密度___。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：测井期间的井控要求___。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：电测前，钻井队准备___。

电测队准备 ___，置于钻台上便于取用的地方，处于待命状态，钻杆传输测井还需要准备将电缆与钻杆本体固定在一起的专用卡子。

录井队在钻井过程中发现硫化氢时，___是正确的。

测井期间，应___。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：油气层施工的井控作业， 钻进中出现___等异常情况，应立即通知当班司钻停钻观察，地质和钻井技术人员进行分析判断并采取相应的措施。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：固井设计中应考虑___对井控的影响。

测井期间若发现溢流：___。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：实施欠平衡钻井地质条件包括___等。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：在已注采开发区域的井，钻井地质设计中应提供以井口为中心、方圆2km范围内注采井的注采资料有___。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：井口组合的设计，一般应遵循___从固技术套管后直至完井全过程应配套使用剪切全封一体式闸板总成和相应的钻具死卡。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：实施欠平衡钻井设备条件包括___。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：钻井工程设计中，顶驱钻进对低泵冲试验的要求___等。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：欠平衡钻井井控设计应纳入钻井工程设计，___设计应满足欠平衡钻井的特殊安全要求。

《塔里木油田钻井井控实施细则》规定：最大允许关井压力一般不得超过下面三项中的最小值___。对于技术套管下到油气层顶部的井（不包括大宛齐浅油气井），表层套管或技术套管下深达到800m的井，最大关井压力不考虑套管鞋下的地层破裂压力所允许的井口关井压力。

一旦井喷失控，立即___。在警戒线以内，严禁一切火源。

“机不可失，时不再来”指的是___

是 ___

在客观规律面前，人的主观能动性表现在___

事物的联系和运动之间的关系___

唯物辩证法的总特征是___

___

“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___

唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___

区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___

质量互变规律揭示了___

质和事物的存在是___

在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___