按照《中国人民银行 中国银行业监督管理委员会关于加强票据业务监管 促进票据市场健康发展的通知》规定，背书人在汇票背面只有签字，不写被背书人名称，这是___。___

按照《中国人民银行 中国银行业监督管理委员会关于加强票据业务监管 促进票据市场健康发展的通知》规定，下列行为中正确的是___。___

按照《中国银监会办公厅关于进一步加强银行业诚信建设的通知》的规定，下列符合诚信建设要求的是___。___

按照《中国银监会办公厅关于进一步加强银行业诚信建设的通知》的规定，对于会机关作出的行政决定，相关部门应于季后___个工作日内将上季度官方网站公示的行政许可和行政处罚信息提交银监会社会信用体系建设归口管理部门。___

按照国家发展改革委办公厅关于印发《商业银行收费行为执法指南》的通知的规定，下列有利于规范收费行为的积极因素为___。___

按照《关于构建绿色金融体系的指导意见》的规定，绿色金融包括___。___

按照《关于构建绿色金融体系的指导意见》的规定，对于绿色信贷支持的项目，可按规定申请___。___

按照《关于构建绿色金融体系的指导意见》的规定，为贯彻构建绿色金融体系的要求，银行业机构在开展信贷资产质量压力测试时，应将___作为重要的影响因素。___

按照《关于金融支持服务贸易发展的指导意见》的规定，为贯彻金融业对外开放的要求，在加强监管的前提下，应积极推动具备条件的___依法发起设立中小银行与机构。___

金融机构应当尊重金融消费者的人格尊严和民族风俗习惯，不得因金融消费者性别、年龄、种族、＿＿＿或国籍等不同进行歧视性差别对待___

金融管理部门、金融机构、相关社会组织要加强研究，综合运用多种方式，推动金融消费者宣传教育工作深入开展。＿＿＿要将金融知识普及教育纳入国民教育体系，切实提高国民金融素养。___

银行业金融机构在办理个人住房贷款业务时，要以在房产管理部门备案的网签合同和住房套数查询结果作为审核依据，并以网签备案合同价款和房屋评估价的＿＿＿作为计算基数确定贷款额度___

购房款交款需现金支付的，当日现金交易单笔或者累计达到人民币5万元以上，应在交易发生之日＿＿＿个工作日内向中国反洗钱监测分析中心报送大额交易报告___

房地产开发企业、房地产中介机构要在销售房屋、提供经纪等相关服务时履行反洗钱义务，建立健全反洗钱内控制度体系，加强对高风险业务、客户的风险管控措施;妥善保存客户身份资料和交易记录，且保存期限不少于＿＿＿年___

稳妥有序推进投贷联动试点，试点银行要加快完善投贷联动业务内部管理制度和流程，积极支持＿＿＿发展。___

推动完善银行业金融机构股东管理制度，加强控股股东行为约束和＿＿＿监管，严禁控股股东不当干预银行业金融机构正常经营管理。___

《中国人民银行、工业和信息化部、银监会、证监会、保监会关于金融支持制造强国建设的指导意见》规定，探索为_____创新中心等公共服务平台提供创新型、多元化融资服务，支持关键共性技术研发和科技成果转化应用。___

《中国人民银行、工业和信息化部、银监会、证监会、保监会关于金融支持制造强国建设的指导意见》规定,_____要注重发挥管理半径短、经营机制灵活等优势，立足当地，服务中小，积极开发针对中小型制造业企业的特色化、专业化金融产品和服务。___

《中国人民银行、工业和信息化部、银监会、证监会、保监会关于金融支持制造强国建设的指导意见》规定，____要在重点领域和薄弱环节切实发挥引领作用，在业务范围内以财务可持续为前提，加大对重大项目、重大技术推广和重大装备应用的融资支持。___

《中国人民银行、工业和信息化部、银监会、证监会、保监会关于金融支持制造强国建设的指导意见》规定，____要积极发挥网络渠道、业务功能协同等优势，为制造业企业提供综合性金融服务，不断改进和提升对中小型制造业企业金融服务的质量效率。___

《中国人民银行、工业和信息化部、银监会、证监会、保监会关于金融支持制造强国建设的指导意见》规定,极发挥____优势，在符合保险资金运用安全性和收益性的前提下，通过债权、股权、基金、资产支持计划等多种形式，为制造业转型升级提供低成本稳定资金来源。___

按照《金融机构衍生产品交易业务管理暂行办法》，银行业金融机构不得自主持有或向客户销售可能出现无限损失的 衍生产品，以及以衍生产品为基础资产或挂钩指标的再衍生产品。___

按照《金融机构衍生产品交易业务管理暂行办法》，银行业金融机构应当每 一次对其自身衍生产品业务情况进行评估。___

按照《金融机构衍生产品交易业务管理暂行办法》，银行业金融机构从事套期保值类衍生产品交易，应当由 管理部门根据本机构的真实需求背景决定发起交易和进行交易决策。___

按照《金融机构衍生产品交易业务管理暂行办法》，银行业金融机构应当根据客户适合度评估结果，与有 背景的客户进行与其风险承受能力相适应的衍生产品交易，并获取由客户提供的声明、确认函等能够证明其相应背景的书面材料。___

按照《金融机构衍生产品交易业务管理暂行办法》，银行业金融机构的衍生产品交易人员、机构违反本办法的有关规定违规操作，造成本机构或者客户重大损失的，该银行业金融机构应当对直接负责的高级管理人员、主管人员和直接责任人给予 直至开除的纪律处分；构成犯罪的，移交司法机关依法追究刑事责任。”___

按照《金融机构衍生产品交易业务管理暂行办法》，银行业金融机构从事非套期保值类衍生产品交易，其标准法下市场风险资本不得超过银行业金融机构核心资本的 。___

以下哪一项不属于推进商业银行资本工具创新的基本原则（）___

“其他一级资本工具触发事件”指商业银行核心一级资本充足率降至（）或以下。___

包含减记条款的资本工具，当二级资本工具触发事件发生时，其他一级资本工具和二级资本工具的本金应立即按合同的约定进行（）减记。___

包含减记条款的资本工具，若对因减记导致的资本工具投资者损失进行补偿，应当采取（）的形式立即支付。___

包含转股条款的资本工具，当其他一级资本工具触发事件发生时，其他一级资本工具的本金应立即按照合同约定转化为（）。___

包含转股条款的资本工具，当二级资本工具触发事件发生时，其他一级资本工具和二级资本工具的本金应立即按合同的约定（）转为普通股。___

依据《中国银监会关于印发商业银行内部审计指引的通知》规定，董事会应下设审计委员会，审计委员会成员不少于___人，多数成员应为独立董事___

依据《中国银监会关于印发商业银行内部审计指引的通知》规定，_____对内部审计的独立性和有效性承担最终责任。___

依据《中国银监会关于印发商业银行内部审计指引的通知》规定，商业银行应配备充足的内部审计人员，原则上不得少于员工总数的_____％。___

按照《中国银监会办公厅关于进一步强化内控合规管理防范案件风险的通知》，银行业金融机构要高度重视内控及合规文化建设，真正发挥内部规章制度___的作用。___

按照《中国银监会关于印发商业银行押品管理指引的通知》规定，以下 物品可以作为押品。___

按照《中国银监会关于印发商业银行押品管理指引的通知》规定，商业银行应根据不同押品的价值波动特性，合理确定价值重估频率，每年应至少重估 次。___

按照《中国银监会关于印发商业银行押品管理指引的通知》规定，商业银行应明确 各业务部门的押品管理职责，内审部门应将押品管理纳入内部审计范畴定期进行审计。___

质和事物的存在是___

在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___

大学生的成才目标是___。

现代人才素质的灵魂是___。

___是人才素质的基础.

世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。

在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可，统一存在的，其中处于主导地位的是___。

时代精神的内涵十分丰富，其中___居于核心地位。

民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。