《生产经营单位安全培训规定》属于（ ）。

某生产经营单位发生一起生产安全事故，死亡2人，重伤10人，根据国务院493号令，该事故属于（ ）。

根据安全生产法律法规，建立健全并组织落实安全生产责任是（ ）的法定职责。

根据《安全生产事故隐患排查治理暂行规定》，生产经营单位是事故隐患排查、治理和（ ）的责任主体。

某生产经营单位发生一起较大事故，应由（ ）组织调查。

某生产经营单位发生一起生产安全事故，没有造成人员伤亡，但造成直接经济损失1200万元，根据国务院493号令，该事故属于（ ）。

根据《生产安全事故报告和调查处理条例》，发生较大事故的事故发生单位主要负责人未依法履行安全生产管理职责，导致事故发生的，处上一年年收入（ ）的罚款。

根据《刑法》修正案，在生产、作业中违反有关安全管理的规定，因而发生重大伤亡事故或者造成其他严重后果的，处（ ）以下有期徒刑或者拘役。

根据《刑法》修正案，强令他人违章冒险作业，因而发生重大伤亡事故或者造成其他严重后果的，处（ ）以下有期徒刑或者拘役。

生产安全事故报告后出现新情况，以及自事故（除道路交通事故、火灾事故）发生之日起（ ）日内伤亡人数发生变化的，应当及时补报。

《浙江省省委 省政府关于加强安全生产促进安全发展的意见》要求各地、各部门针对安全生产突出问题，大力推进"智慧高速"、"智慧消防"、"（ ）"、"智慧交通"、"智慧安居"等试点工作。

定期组织或者参与生产安全事故应急救援演练是生产经营单位（ ）的职责。

《浙江省安全生产条例》规定，离岗（ ）以上或者换岗的从业人员，上岗前应当重新进行安全生产教育和培训。

《浙江省安全生产条例》规定，生产经营单位应当建立从业人员安全生产教育和培训档案，如实记录安全生产教育和培训的时间、内容、参加人员以及考核结果等情况。安全生产教育和培训记录由从业人员本人核对并签名。记录保存期限不得少于( )年。

《安全生产法》规定，生产经营单位新建、改建、扩建工程项目的（ ），必须与主体工程同时设计、同时施工、同时投入生产和使用。

《生产安全事故应急预案管理办法》（总局令第88号）规定，生产经营单位应急预案分为综合应急预案、专项应急预案和（ ）。

创建安全生产标准化工作采用（ ）的模式，结合自身的特点，建立并保持安全生产标准化系统。

《工伤保险条例》规定，职工因工死亡的，一次性工亡补助金标准为上一年度（ ）人均可支配收入的20倍。

《浙江省安全生产条例》规定，重大事故隐患排除后，由（ ）组织有关专业技术人员或者委托安全生产技术、管理服务机构对整改情况进行验收，形成验收报告。

《浙江省安全生产条例》规定，生产经营单位应当建立从业人员安全生产教育和培训档案，如实记录安全生产教育和培训的时间、内容、参加人员以及考核结果等情况。安全生产教育和培训记录由（ ）核对并签名。

保障人民群众（ ）安全，是制定《安全生产法》的目的之一。

《中共中央 国务院关于推进安全生产领域改革发展的意见》强调严格落实企业主体责任，企业实行全员安全生产责任制度，法定代表人和（ ）同为安全生产第一责任人。

安全生产是指生产经营单位在组织生产经营活动过程中，为避免发生（ ）和财产损失等事故，而采取消除或控制危险有害因素，保障人身安全与健康、设备和设施免受损坏、环境免遭破坏等相应的事故预防和控制措施，以保证生产经营活动顺利进行的相关活动。

运用强制原理的原则包括（ ）。

企业安全生产管理台帐建设应做到整齐全面、分类归档、查找方便、（ ），全面反映企业落实安全生产主体责任，加强安全生产管理的真实情况。

安全生产责任制是按照"安全第一、预防为主、综合治理"方针和"管生产经营必须同时管安全"的原则，以及"党政同责、（ ）、齐抓共管"的要求，将各级、各部门、各岗位人员在安全生产方面应做的工作和应负的责任加以明确规定的一种制度。

从业人员对管理人员强令冒险作业的命令，应该（ ）。

生产经营单位与从业人员订立的劳动合同，应当载明有关保障从业人员劳动安全、防止职业危害的事项，以及依法为从业人员办理（ ）的事项。

在安全生产方面，国家对女职工和未成年工实行（ ）。

不安全状态是指能导致事故发生的（ ）。

企业必须认真对新工人进行安全生产三级教育，并且经过考核合格后，才能准许进入操作岗位。三级教育不包括（ ）。

《安全生产法》规定，安全生产工作应当以人为本，坚持安全发展，坚持（ ）的方针

根据《生产经营单位安全培训规定》，从业人员调整工作岗位或离岗一年以上重新上岗时，应进行相应的（ ）安全生产教育培训。

根据终身教育的观念，生产经营单位应当对在岗的从业人员进行（ ）的安全生产教育培训。

特种作业中的高处作业包括登高架设作业、（ ）。

高处作业是指在距坠落高度基准面（ ）及以上有可能坠落的高处进行的作业。

（ ）的作用是预防作业人员从高处坠落致伤害。

当遇到火灾时，要迅速向（ ）逃生。

《安全生产法》规定，生产经营单位的特种作业人员必须按照国家有关规定经专门的安全作业培训，取得（ ），方可上岗作业。

生产经营单位的主要负责人对生产安全事故隐瞒不报、谎报或者（ ）的，给予降级、撤职的处分，并由安全生产监督管理部门根据《安全生产法》规定给予罚款。

在客观规律面前，人的主观能动性表现在___

事物的联系和运动之间的关系___

唯物辩证法的总特征是___

___

“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___

唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___

区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___

质量互变规律揭示了___

质和事物的存在是___

在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___